The Chongqing vs. Guangdong models

By Fred Goldstein
Published Apr 12, 2012 10:27 PM


The ouster of Bo Xilai as Communist Party Secretary of Chongqing comes at a juncture of intensifying contradictions, pressures and antagonisms in China. They reflect three decades of a steadily advancing encroachment of the capitalist mode of production and a dangerous erosion of the socialist framework established by the great Chinese Revolution of 1949.

The Chinese Communist Party leadership is rent with conflict. On the one hand are pressures from China’s growing internal capitalist and middle classes, as well as from the imperialist banks, represented by the World Bank. On the other hand is the growing discontent of millions of workers and peasants.

Furthermore, as the state-owned sector of the economy grows, the capitalist side is also expanding. Capital expands automatically through the accumulation of profits. The state sector, however, expands as a matter of conscious policy and the absolute growth of the economy. Its growth reflects the magnitude of tasks the state-owned banks and enterprises are called upon to perform.

The struggle to control the planned development of society while retaining sovereignty over the Chinese economy inevitably collides with the growth of the internal contradictions of capitalist development and the infectious influence of global finance capital.

The CCP leaders are trying to plan high-speed railroads, advanced communications, hospitals, health centers and aid for rural development to close the gap between the highly developed east and the underdeveloped west. They are introducing more ecologically sound technology and other strategic industries while improving the social security system for 1.3 billion people. At the same time, they have to worry about the development of inflation, real estate bubbles, the global capitalist economic crisis, mounting inequality of wealth, and a clamor by the bourgeois elements for so-called democratic reforms — which would be a channel for open political organizing of the capitalist class and its middle-class supporters.

As these contradictions and antagonisms mature, the question of which way forward for China becomes more and more pressing.

Chongqing versus Guangdong

In the recent period, differences in the leadership have surfaced in the controversy over the so-called Chongqing model versus the Guangdong model. Bo Xilai has been identified with the Chongqing model, which has come under heavy fire since his ouster.

Chongqing is the largest municipality in China and perhaps the world. It has a population of 33 million and is located inland in western China. It is one of China’s four centrally ruled municipalities, the others being Beijing, Shanghai and Tianjin. It has a rural area of 23 million farmers and an urban population of 10 million. Millions of farmers are employed as migrant workers in the city.

Guangdong is the largest province in China, with 104 million people. One-third of the population, 36 million, are migrant workers. It is on the east coast and is the site of the Pearl River delta, where the turn toward market reforms and “opening up” first allowed the establishment of special economic zones. Overseas capitalists from the imperialist countries as well as Hong Kong, Taiwan and south Korea are heavily invested there, and have created a large, low-wage manufacturing industry geared toward exports.

Bo Xilai became the party secretary of Chongqing in 2007. He initiated a policy of emphasizing the dominant role of the state in the economy alongside the capitalist market. Under his regime half of the budget of Chongqing was spent on health care, housing, pensions, education and other public services. (“One or Two Chinese Models?” European Council on Foreign Relations, Asia Centre, November 2011) Some 87 percent of its recent growth was in the state sector.

The government has undertaken to build 800,000 units of low-income housing with rents at 40 percent below market rates and a low-income limit for eligibility. (Bloomberg Businessweek, March 22) The apartments can be owned after five years, but cannot be thrown on the market. The units are built in the center of the city, near higher-income housing to prevent ghettoizing.

The government in Chongqing is also spending 300 billion yuan ($47.6 billion) for rural education, health care and housing. In addition, it has developed a policy to allow and encourage the rural population to migrate to the city, but at the same time balances that with a policy to develop new agricultural areas. In China’s so-called “hukou” system of residency permits, everyone has either a rural hukou or an urban hukou. Urban residents are entitled to social benefits like health care and education at government-subsidized prices.

Chongqing was the first city in China to develop this rural-to-urban program. Its goal is to allow 10 million farmers to get urban permits. (“Bo Xilai and the Chongqing Model,” East Asian Institute, Vol. 1, No. 3)

‘Red culture’ versus more ‘opening up’

Politically, Bo initiated what he termed “red culture.” This included encouraging and organizing the singing of songs from the Mao era and performances of operas from the period of the Cultural Revolution. He stopped commercials on the local television station, replacing them with Maoist and other readings and performances. He had Mao sayings tweeted to cell phone users in the city. And he took a 1,000-member singing troupe to Beijing to sing Maoist songs.

Bo recommended that students and government workers spend time in rural areas to get experience with the life of the masses.

Bo initiated a crackdown on gangsters and corrupt party and government officials. And he initiated this by calling on the masses to submit “letters of denunciation.”

The Guangdong model, on the other hand, emphasizes the capitalist market as the dominant force in development. Shenzhen is the city that Deng Xiaoping visited in 1992 when he declared “opening up” China to foreign investment. It was the first special economic zone. Since then the province has been known as the area where the capitalist market prevails over state enterprises and planning.

The present party secretary in Guangdong, Wang Yang, was appointed in 2007. He had been in Chongqing, but Bo Xilai took his place. Wang has openly advocated the superiority of the capitalist market in allocating resources. He has called for “small government.” (Wall Street Journal, March 14) Wang’s policy is for further “opening up” and “reforms.”

Guangdong has been the site of numerous workers’ strikes and rebellions. Some 200-plus strikes took place in the Pearl River delta last year, beginning in May with Honda workers near Guangzhou. (The Economist, Nov. 26, 2011)

Wang preaches democracy, but the class orientation of his democracy was illustrated by an experimental local election he authorized in the city of Dudan last September. As The Economist reported, fewer than 7,000 local inhabitants were allowed to vote, while 60,000 sweatshop workers who had come from other provinces were disenfranchised.

‘Red GDP’

Before Bo was ousted, he and Wang were both candidates for the nine-member Standing Committee of the CCP’s Politburo. There was open struggle between them. Bo called for a “red GDP,” meaning economic development had to be subordinate to the well-being of the masses. Their differences emerged publicly in a famous controversy shrouded in an analogy called “cutting the cake.” The “cake” was a metaphor for the GDP — the country’s total production of goods and services.

On July 10 of last year, Bo said that a “better division of the cake” takes priority over “making the cake bigger.” The next day Wang answered with “to make the cake bigger, we must still concentrate on economic development.” In other words, overcoming inequality takes a backseat to production and profits. (“Bo Xilai and Wang Yang: China’s Future Leaders?” Jeffrey Hays, factsanddetails.com, updated March 2012)

The political left in China has rallied to the cause of Bo, and had great hopes for his ascendancy to the Standing Committee. In the wake of his ouster, many web sites of the left have been shut down for a month. The struggle is shrouded in secrecy, and it is very hard for the masses or revolutionaries and progressives inside China, as well as outside, to get any kind of accurate picture.

But it is clear that the Bo forces favoring the Chongqing model are oriented to blocking further inroads of capitalism in China and reversing it, if possible. The forces that side with Wang and the Guangdong model are for widening the capitalist road.

Center-right bloc against Bo

The immediate task in the present struggle is to push back against the right and the counterrevolution. However, by lining up against Bo, the party center is in a bloc with the right. The center is fearful of the Maoist revival and the leftist mood. The fear is that this could merge with the mass discontent down below and take the form of not just an economic struggle against inequality, but a political struggle against the capitalist road. (Last year China reported 180,000 “incidents” — protests, strikes and rebellions.) But the right wing is counterrevolutionary and wants to go all the way in bringing the capitalist class to power.

In truth, the Chongqing model, while certainly preferable to free-market capitalism and the political reaction of the Guangdong model, is only a stop-gap measure at best. It still retains the capitalist market as a significant force. And capital grows through the accumulation of profits. Furthermore, 93 of Fortune 500 global corporations are operating in Chongqing.

Reviving Maoist culture is a step in the right direction. Fighting inequality is also a step in the right direction. But what is more to the point is to revive the spirit of workers’ struggle that was advocated and led by Mao.

Cultural Revolution model

Before Bo was ousted, Premier Wen Jiabao attacked Bo and warned of the “horrors of the Cultural Revolution.” What precisely were these “horrors”? The essence of the Cultural Revolution was to mobilize and empower the workers to run socialist society, in the spirit of the Paris Commune. The goal was to oust privileged officials from their comfortable positions of authority and establish a revolutionary dictatorship under the direct authority of the proletariat. Of course, excesses were committed during that period. But the excesses were not the essence of what took place. The essence was the attempt to “storm the heavens,” as Marx referred to the goal of the Paris communards. The essence was for the Chinese workers to rule directly and take their destiny into their own hands. No amount of vilification of the Cultural Revolution can erase that.

No one could suppose for a moment that such a development is in the offing. But everyone in China who stands for the working class and Marxism must be asking themselves, which way back? How do the Chinese workers and peasants get back to the socialist model they once had?

Deng Xiaoping and his political descendants in China justified their program of so-called “market socialism” on the ground that China needed the capitalist market and capitalist technology to develop. Leaving aside the validity of that assertion, the fact is that China has developed enormously. It is now the second-largest economy in the world. The working class has gone from 30 million to more than 450 million. China is competing with imperialism in cutting-edge technology.

All justification for needing capitalism to further develop has been undermined by China’s economic advances. The interests of the workers have been mercilessly sacrificed, counterpoising them to the need for development. The task now is to find the way back. When casting about for models to take China back on the socialist road, the road of the Cultural Revolution is a glorious one. It’s not necessary to retain the same name or make it a carbon copy of the original. What is important is to revive its revolutionary essence.

Dongping Han: A Chinese Worker Recalls the Mao Era

Guns and Butter - The Unknown Cultural Revolution - January 13, 2010 at 1:00pm

Click to listen (or download)

Libya: One More Noose!

U.S. imperialism invaded China's territory of Taiwan and has occupied it for the past nine years. A short while ago it sent its armed forces to invade and occupy Lebanon. The United States has set up hundreds of military bases in many countries all over the world.

China's territory of Taiwan, Lebanon and all military bases of the United States on foreign soil are so many nooses round the neck of U.S. imperialism.

The nooses have been fashioned by the Americans themselves and by nobody else, and it is they themselves who have put these nooses round their own necks, handing the ends of the ropes to the Chinese people, the peoples of the Arab countries and all the peoples of the world who love peace and oppose aggression.

The longer the U.S. aggressors remain in those places, the tighter the nooses round their necks will become.

Mao Zedong
Speech at the Supreme State Conference (September 8, 1958).

Video: "Squatters in Their Own Land" - Life in the Phillipines

International League of People's Struggles Meets in the Phillipines

By Bill Cecil
Published Jul 24, 2011 11:18 PM

We live in a global economy dominated today by U.S. and West European banks and corporations. Decisions made on Wall Street devastate the lives not only of workers in the United States but of hundreds of millions of people around the globe. It will take a worldwide movement to break their power.

That is why more than 60 people from the United States were among 430 activists from 43 countries who went to the Fourth International Assembly of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle, held July 7-9 in Manila, capital of the Philippines.

Activists came from Senegal and South Korea, from Egypt and Indonesia, from Greece and Guatemala, from Venezuela and Malaysia. They were trade unionists and migrant workers, peasants and farmworkers, Indigenous people, youth and students, health workers, teachers, lawyers, human rights defenders, researchers, scientists and technologists, artists and journalists, environmentalists and fighters for the rights of women, lesbian-gay-bi-trans people, children and the elderly.

They came together from six continents around the theme of “Build a bright future! Mobilize the people to resist exploitation and oppression amidst the protracted global depression, state terrorism and wars of aggression!”

They faced many obstacles. Some were denied entry by the U.S.-backed government of Benigno Aquino III. A Palestinian delegate, Dr. Yusuf Habash, was denied an exit permit from Palestine by the Zionist occupation regime.

The Philippines was a fitting place for the gathering. The Filipino people have long been on the front lines of the fight against U.S. monopoly capitalism.

U.S. imperialism made its advent on the world stage in 1898, when U.S. troops invaded the Philippines, Puerto Rico and Cuba. That invasion came on the heels of the betrayal of Reconstruction in the U.S. South, the massacre of Native people at Wounded Knee, and the hanging of leaders of the eight-hour-day movement of workers in Chicago.

More than 1 million Filipinos were massacred by the U.S. Army in that brutal war of conquest. U.S. corporate interests have dominated the Philippines since that time, reaping super-profits from the low wages of Filipino workers.

As a result, tens of million of Filipinos live below the poverty line. The assembly participants saw the desperate conditions of many Filipinos in visits to farm villages, Indigenous communities in the mountains and poor urban neighborhoods.

Mass struggle is the only solution

But we also witnessed that the Philippines is home to a powerful mass movement of workers, farmers, the urban poor, Indigenous people and students fighting for social change and against U.S. corporate power. This movement, united in the New Patriotic Alliance, or BAYAN, played host to the Fourth International Assembly.

A militant fighting tone pervaded the FIA. It was set even before the first session, when protesters battled police outside the U.S. Embassy on July 4.

After Filipino revolutionary leader and league chair Jose Maria Sison addressed the FIA by Skype from exile in the Netherlands, participants broke down into commissions on national liberation, socioeconomic development, human rights, health care, education, opposing imperialist war, environmental destruction, arts and culture, and the rights of workers, farmers and farmworkers, women, youth, children, Indigenous people, prisoners, homeless and displaced people, elders and LGBT people.

All the resolutions, action plans and the general declaration of the assembly agreed that mass struggle is the only answer to the global capitalist crisis of overproduction, which is ravaging people’s lives in both exploited and exploiting countries and is driving imperialist wars, like the one against Libya.

The assembly documents may be found at www.ilps.info.

Bill Cecil attended the Fourth International Assembly of the ILPS as a delegate from the International Action Center in the United States.

Two Quotations on War and Imperialism

"A weak nation can defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country can certainly defeat aggression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, dare to take up arms and grasp in their own hands the destiny of their country. This is a law of history."

"A new upsurge in the struggle against U.S. imperialism is now emerging throughout the world. Ever since the Second World War, U.S. imperialism and its followers have been continuously launching wars of aggression and the people in various countries have been continuously waging revolutionary wars to defeat the aggressors. The danger of a new world war still exists, and the people of all countries must get prepared. But revolution is the main trend in the world today."

- Mao Zedong, May 23, 1970

Official History of Chinese Communist Party Sells 1 Million Copies

From: People's Daily

More than 1 million copies of the second volume of the "History of the Communist Party of China (CPC)" had been sold as of mid-May, just four months since the book was published after 16 years of painstaking editing, a senior official historian said Thursday.

Historians are now working on the third volume covering the post-1978 period when China embarked on the reform and opening up, said Li Zhongjie, deputy director of the Party History Research Center of the CPC Central Committee, at a press conference.

The second volume, which features major events of the CPC from 1949 to 1978, has dominated sales in major Beijing bookstores for weeks.

An entire chapter of the book is devoted to the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), a time of turbulence when many Chinese suffered extraordinary hardship.

The first volume covers the years from 1921 through to 1949, a revolutionary period before the founding of New China.

According to historians, editing the second volume was difficult because it covers controversial periods, including the Great Leap Forward of 1958 and the Cultural Revolution.

Li said the publication not only acknowledges the Party's positive contributions, but also analyzes the causes of policy failures and the misjudgment of Party leaders.

"The CPC has learned from experiences and drawn lessons from its past," he said.

Li said efforts should be made to "put the most objective materials in historical records" after careful selection and soliciting opinion from various circles.

The CPC, the world's largest political party, will mark its 90th anniversary on July 1. It had 78 million members as of 2009.

Peru: Today & Yesterday

Yesterday, Humala, a social-democratic anti-imperialist defeated the Kieko Fujimori, daughter of the former fascist dictator in the presidential election.

The history of the country is important.

Below is a documentary made during the height of Peru's Maoist insurrection, showing the conditions of Peru that led to support for "El Sendero Luminoso"(The Shining Path).

In 1989-1991, the U.S. imperialists were reveling in victories against the former Soviet Union. Neo-Liberalism was on the march. However, in Peru, this sparked support for Mao Zedong Thought.

In the same period, the "Caracazo", an armed revolutionary uprising in Venezuela, sparked the beginnings of the Bolivarian movement which culminated in Hugo Chavez taking power.

What will the victory of Humala bring? We shall see.

One wonders what impact, if any, the Maoist revolt document below, has had these years later, on the election of an anti-imperialist President?

Maoism in the U.K. in Photos

"Wildcat At Mead" - Documentary of Communist Led Strike in 1970s

Wildcat at Mead
Uploaded by SolidarityUS. - Check out other Film & TV videos.

A strike led by members of the October League (Marxist-Leninist) in the 1970s is documented in this film.

Associated Press Says New People's Army of the Phillippines is growing!

AP: Poverty breeds new generation of NPA

JIM GOMEZ, Associated Press
12/27/2010 | 01:41 PM

MOUNT DIWATA, Philippines — Too poor to afford school beyond fourth grade in the southern Philippines, 19-year-old Johnny Buyo walked away from home six months ago to join the communist rebellion — one of Asia's longest-running. He was handed a rusty M16 rifle, which he vowed to keep for life.

The teenager recently gathered with an older generation of battle-hardened veterans in their 60s for a celebration marking the 42nd anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines, whose insurgency withstood decades of crackdown by five Philippine presidents.

"It's scary at first but later, you gain confidence when you think that you're fighting for the people," said Buyo, the rifle slung on his tiny frame.

Amid a Christmas cease-fire and looming peace talks with President Benigno Aquino III's new government, about 80 Maoist guerrillas armed with rifles and grenade launchers marched in a remote rice-farming village in the foothills of Mount Diwata in southern Surigao del Sur province as more than 2,000 villagers, relatives and sympathizers cheered.

Persistent poverty in the Philippines' southern region fuels popular support for the movement, inspiring new generations to join even as Cold War communist insurgencies fade into memory across much of the rest of the world.

It has been 38 years since Jorge Madlos, then a student activist, quit university and went underground after then-Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in 1972. Now 62, the prominent rebel spokesman — distinguished by his trademark Mao-style cap and goatee — says only one thing can make him leave his comrades.

"Our retirement comes in death," Madlos said.

At Sunday's ceremony, smiling guerrillas handed out 2011 calendars, red pins and packs of roasted pork and rice. They belted out nationalist songs on a stage in a rice field festooned with the hammer and sickle communist symbol. Relatives and friends used the occasion for reunions with rebels, including a mother who said she has not seen her son since he joined the guerrillas 10 years ago.

The chaotic scene under a broiling noontime sun both depicted the rebels' resiliency and constraints.

Army troops kept watch less than a mile (two kilometers) away, stopping vehicles and writing down the names of truckloads of people entering a narrow dirt road leading to the rebel event. Undeterred, they told soldiers they were going to a "peace forum."

Such a rare display of defiance and force by the rebels is played down by the military, which said that battle setbacks, surrenders, infighting and loss of foreign support have reduced the guerrilla force to less than 5,000 from a peak of 25,000 in the 1980s.

Not strong enough to face military tanks and aircraft, the rebels now rely on hit-and-run ambushes. They operate a shadow government in areas under their influence, dispensing justice including trials — and sometimes executions — of erring policemen and village officials. The rebels also collect "revolutionary taxes" — and punish business establishments refusing to pay.

With the emergence of a popular, reformist Philippine president who has started to tackle poverty, the rebels now risk becoming irrelevant, government chief negotiator Alexander Padilla said last week. He cited the example of some former rebels from the same force and other hard-line communists who took their cause to Congress as elected representatives.

Padilla said he and rebel representatives have agreed to resume talks in February in Norway, which has facilitated the peace process. The rebels walked away from peace talks brokered by Norway in 2004, suspecting then-President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's government of instigating their inclusion on US and EU terrorist lists.

Padilla credited the apparent progress to this year's landslide election victory of Aquino, the son of revered democracy icons. Aquino has begun grappling with pervasive government corruption and human rights violations blamed on state security forces that have helped fuel the insurgency, Padilla said.

But the guerrillas said that Aquino still has a lot to prove.

"Despite the peace talks, we will go on with the revolt," Madlos told journalists in this farming village about 530 miles (860 kilometers) southeast of Manila.

"Aquino is not popular in our bases," he said.

Some residents disagreed, even though there was little doubt about their loyalty in this rebel stronghold where houses are bedecked with paper streamers praising the revolution and New People's Army.

"I voted for Noynoy. He's kind," said 44-year-old housewife Lita Larowa, using Aquino's popular nickname.

But she said the rebels were her "heroes, for fighting for the legions of poor people like me." She refused to call them terrorists.

Another young rebel, who gave her name as Ka (Comrade) Irene, wished Aquino would fulfill his campaign promises to improve lives of the poor.

She said her rebellion was justified because massive poverty was still afflicting the country.

"I don't have dreams anymore," the 21-year-old, ponytailed rebel said, when asked if she planned to leave the mountains someday and rejoin her family.

Madlos said he was happy seeing a new generation take up the fight as veterans like him begin to fade.

"They ensure that this revolution will continue," he said. — AP

Wall Street Journal Proves, Communist Propaganda Saves Lives!

Nixon Tapes: Late Nights Calls, Wondering About Mao

By Joseph B. White

In late September 1971, rumors flew that Chinese leader Mao Zedong had died. In the White House, President Richard Nixon knew…nothing.

Mr. Nixon and his then assistant for National Security Affairs, Henry Kissinger, speculated during an 11 p.m., Sept. 21 phone call about the rumors, which were spurred by the Chinese government’s abrupt cancellation of an Oct. 1 military parade. A transcript of the conversation was among a new trove of records released today by the Nixon Library.

“Any later reports?” Mr. Nixon asked. Mr. Kissinger replied there weren’t, and added: “My instinct tells me, Mr. President, whatever it is it isn’t the death of Mao.”

The two men pondered whether the Chinese were nervous about a possible attack from the Soviet Union. “They may genuinely think that the Soviets are getting ready to jump them,” Mr. Kissinger said.

Later in the call, Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kissinger turned to the war in Viet Nam. Mr. Nixon raised the idea of giving the North Vietnamese “an ultimatum” to break the deadlock in peace negotiations and secure the return of U.S. prisoners of war.

“Get these prisoners or…that is until they do we are going to blockade them,” Mr. Nixon told Mr. Kissinger, and ordered that the military “try a little war of nerves” by making preparations to mine North Vietnamese harbors, and conduct more air strikes. Mr. Kissinger said U.S. planes weren’t able to hit certain targets “because we were afraid to hit the civilian population when we couldn’t bomb visually.”

“I am not so g—d—ned concerned about the civilian population,” Mr. Nixon replied. “I am not so concerned about it.”

“Well, it would give them a lot of pictures they could use,” Mr. Kissinger replied.

“Maybe,” Mr. Nixon said, according to the transcript. “Maybe. Well, I think you ought to lay it on…”

Communist Revolution is a Beggar's Banquet

by Caleb T. Maupin

I was 17 years old when I first heard “Street Fighting Man.” I was sitting in a movie theatre with my younger brother and my father. We viewed the film “V for Vendetta”, and as the film reached it poignant, bitter sweet ending, and fireworks exploded, the credit scratched across the screen with a sound that I connected with me so perfectly. My brother informed me, to my shock, that the song playing was by the “Rolling Stones” as we left the theatre.

I had always associated the Rolling Stones with sexist, drug, uber-masculine biker “hard rock.” Though I was surprised at the composer, I still could not get over the power of the song.

Later on, probably two years later, I was taking a film course in college. I was already an active Communist, and I was actively consuming Mao Zedong's “Little Red Book.” Just for the hell of it, I put together a film piece. I strung together footage of uprisings from around the world, such as anti-WTO uprisings in Seattle and Seoul, and the L.A. Rebellion of 1992. As background music, I selected no other than the piece I had learned to love in a movie theatre two years prior.

It seemed, to my confusion, that from everyone I showed the film clip I had constructed, I got a similar reaction. “What the hell is this music you picked? It just doesn't fit!”

The message was the same.

“Riots are scary and violent, this song is happy and joyous, it doesn't fit.”

But in my mind it did. A revolution to me, as to Lenin is a “festival of the oppressed.” I was happy to see people who for so longer cowered as powerless before global capitalist entities, corporations, and bullying racist cops, standing up for themselves. I felt that no other piece of music adequately captured the “joy of chaos” I felt at a huge demonstration.

Even the reactionary Nietzsche understood that “One must be filled with chaos to give birth to a dancing star.”

But others around me, who at this time had little if any involvement in the class struggle, didn't get it. They just couldn't. Its something you have to feel to truly know.

* * * *

“Sympathy For The Devil” has always held another spot very close to my heart. It expressed an odd form of contrarianism and rebellion.

Regardless of what the lyricists may or may not have meant, this opening track of a classic rolling stones album spoke to me much like the text of Anarchist Bakunin's book “God and the State.”

To Bakunin, and to me as I listened to the recording, the phrase “pleased to meet you, hope you guessed my name” was almost speaking for me. In this world, the wealthy and powerful have proclaimed themselves to be “God”, and so likewise, Mick Jagger and I were proud to hold “Sympathy for the Devil.” It wasn't even a necessarily anti-religious message. It was simply a message of loathing toward those in power, despite the religious symbolism, at least to me, that is.

The line “just as every cop is a criminal and all the sinners saints” spoke even higher volumes about a society where George Washington has a monument, Ronald Reagan has an airport, and Mumia Abu Jamal is locked away in a prison cell.

If Hitler is God, is it not moral to become a fallen angel? This seemed to be the thrusting message of this 1960s Rock hymn. Of course, I could only sympathize.

The groundbreaking film-maker Jean-Luc Godard, who made the excellent “New Wave” film based on the song was even subject to a brutal attack in the New York Times when it was rumored that he may be honored for his life's work in developing cinematography. Godard, who has held revolutionary politics hasn't sinned enough to become a saint, so “no oscar for you” the New York Times seems to scream. He is not enough of a criminal, to become a cop.

* * * *

“Salt of the Earth” is another beautiful piece. It lays out the entire nature of capitalism, and the way the workers are treated.

It talks of how the working class is reduced to “common foot soldiers” and “a faceless crowd.”

Its words about “stay-at-home voters”, who don't see an answer in the bourgeois dog and pony show called “elections” is much more true today than in 1969. The "stay-at-home voters" probably handed congress over to the Republicans after the Democrats "promised everything and gave nothing."

Am I championing “The Rolling Stones” as Marxist-Leninists or Revolutionaries? No. I'm not stupid.

Much of their career puts “Beggar's Banquet” to shame. Sexist and blatant misogynist anthems about “under my thumb” and “black and blue” show an entirely different political edge.

But this 1968 LP seems to reflect more of me as a revolutionary, especially on an emotional and artistic level, than much of the art of previous and present times. I think if some one really wanted to understand the mindset of the Weather Underground, the Revolutionary Youth Movement, or the 1960s Marxist movement, “Beggar's Banquet" is a great place to start.

I wasn't there, of course, so I could be wrong.

However, it certainly reflects the feelings that I have as a Marxist-Leninist in the modern U.S., involved in the struggle for workers liberation.

Art is like everything else in the capitalist world. It does not exist in a vacuum. When revolution is spreading throughout the globe, no part remains untouched. Only in the early 1970s could racist pig Elvis Presley release “In the Ghetto.” I am confident that this southern cracker who ripped off R&B to form his career would have felt more comfortable singing the country hit “Cadillac Welfare Mother”, but the “Free Market” most likely dictated otherwise.

Music, Art, Religion, and Politics are all connected. “Beggar's Banquet” shows this so well.

Perhaps also, the British influence may have helped increase the value of the album's politics. The entire album, the final track especially, does not demean the working class. It contains no slur of the proletariat as being “Labor Aristocrats” or “Bourgeosified.” Instead, it has a strong confidence in them, that was missing on the U.S. Left at the time.

It was this confidence in the working class that enabled the cutbacks of the 1980s to be met with the Miner's Strike of 1984, the Militant Tendency in Liverpool, and the Brixton uprising by British Workers. The reaction to Reagan in the US was limited to PATCO and Solidarity Day, not bad things at all, but far smaller by comparison, impact, and militancy.

When I listen to the album now, I think about being on picket lines, protest rallies, etc. with my working class brothers and sisters. We know that when we take over, our battlefields will sing with the happiness found in the joyous sounds of “Street Fighting Man.” When we seize the banks, factories, and commanding heights of the economy, and break open the food warehouses we will show that revolution is not “scary” and “threatening”, but it is a festival of the oppressed, truly a “Beggar's Banquet” like none have seen before.

Sadly Ordinary Dishonesty - Photographs and Lies

A new anti-communist "history" book claims to tell of the horrors of Mao Zedong's "Great Leap Forward" and how it was not a bad economic policy, but an evil genocide against his own people. The cover photo is above. It features what is supposed to be a child starving under Mao's brutal famine.

Here's a closer look:



And this is the photo from Life Magazine, which was used. The photo in Life Magazine is dated in 1946. How did Mao starve this child, when he did not even come to power until 1949? How does this photograph have ANYTHING to do with the "Great Famine" of the early 1960s?



But remember, anyone who questions the narrative of "Mao was another Hitler" is just a lying Communist. Right?

CIA Statistics Show: The Chinese Revolution Improved Workers Lives

By Caleb T. Maupin
Published Sep 17, 2010 10:46 PM

The Central Intelligence Agency, a ruthless enforcer of Wall Street’s drive for profits, publishes “The World Factbook.” It gives updated statistics for every country, some of which measure quality of life and societal health, such as life expectancy, infant mortality, literacy, unemployment and industrial production. In this series, Workers World examines some surprising conclusions, all using the CIA’s own statistics. Even though these statistics often understate gains compared to United Nations figures, they can’t help but show that countries benefit by breaking with imperialism.

India and China were both impoverished countries at the end of World War II. In both India and China, foreign corporations dominated the economy. In both countries there was mass starvation and poverty. In both countries there was extreme repression of women and various ethnic minorities.

After World War II, both countries had mass movements. However, their outcome was very different.

In 1947, India was granted formal independence from the United Kingdom and re-organized as a “Federal Republic,” a political transformation that changed the governmental structures but left the capitalist economic system intact. Modern India has been hailed as a “model” of neoliberal capitalism.

The Chinese Revolution of 1949, two years after India’s independence, was totally different, however. It was a socialist revolution led by the Communist Party. Not only did China’s government drastically change, but so did its economic and social system. The Chinese government, unlike the government of India, massively redistributed land, built up powerful collectively owned industries, combated sexism and racism, and built a People’s Republic based on the ideology of “Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought.”

A comparison of life today in these two large countries, even according to CIA figures, shows that the socialist road of China, as opposed to the capitalist road of India, has been much more prosperous for the population at large.

The infant mortality rate of China is 20.25 per 1,000 live births. The infant mortality rate of India is 50.5 per 1,000 live births, more than double that of China. The life expectancy of the average person in India is 66 years of age. The life expectancy of the average person in China is 73. The CIA shows that literacy in China is at 91.6 percent, while it is only 61 percent in India.

Worse, in India the literacy rate for women is only 47 percent, meaning that less than half of India’s women can read. The literacy rate for women in China is 87 percent, less than 10 points behind men.

The CIA reports that the percentage of people living below the poverty line in China is 2 percent, while it is 25 percent in India.

When comparing the “free market” neoliberalism embraced by India with China’s economy, which today incorporates some capitalist measures but is built on the back of the 1949 socialist revolution, it is clear which system is superior. Even the CIA cannot hide this fact.

Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

"Ten Declarations" of Opposition "Maoist" Communist Party of China

This document began circulating internet forums in 2009. It is debatable about its legitimacy, however its contents are very interesting, especially in light of mass proletarian unrest and revolts throughout the country.

The Ten Declarations of the Maoist Communist Party of China (MCPC)

22 March 2009

一、强烈抗议中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团对我党实行秘密追剿的声明！

1. We strongly condemn the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party and its policy of secretive suppression towards our party!

2008年12月26日， 我党分别在北京、上海等大城市闹市区散发了“宣告中国人民对中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团造 反有理”的《告全国人民书》，在“老虎”的屁股上狠狠地摸了 一把！随后在网络上和其它一些城市也进行了宣传。我党的这次革命行动，对中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团造 成了强烈的政治冲击，有力地打击了中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团的嚣张气焰。我党的《告全国人民书》是号召人民起来推翻中国共产党修正主义 叛徒统治集团、开展一场中国无产阶级反复辟大革命运动的号 角；是号召人民共同声讨中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团的罪行、剥去中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团的伪装 、打一场文攻武卫的人民革命理论战争的信号弹。

On 26 December 2008, our party gave out the pamphlet “To all the people of China” that declares that “the peoples of China have the right to rise up against the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party” in the central districts of cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. By doing this we have dared to “touch the bottom of the tiger”! Afterwards we engaged in more propaganda online and in other cities. This revolutionary action of our party has resulted in a strong political wave against the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party, and managed to beat down the arrogant air of the revisionist ruling bloc. This is the horn that calls to arms a great revolutionary movement among the Chinese proletariat against capitalist restoration; this is the signal fire to mobilise the people to strike against the crimes conducted by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc; to peel away the false skin of the revisionists, and to engage in a people’s revolutionary war through both words and actions.

我党的《告全国人民书》不仅在国内引起了广泛关注，极大的唤醒和鼓舞了中国无产阶级，而且造成 了强烈的国际 政治影响。“自由亚洲电台”、“美国之音”等宣传媒体纷纷作出“中国出了个中国毛泽东主义共产党”的报道。国内外反动派对我党《告全国人民书 》的亮剑顿时感到如临大敌，纷纷跳出来对我党进行攻击并为统 治集团出谋划策，什么“震惊！反胡拥毛，毛子毛孙成立了中国毛泽东主义共产党”，什么“不彻底清算毛泽东养 虎成患”，什么“强烈要求把毛泽东像从天安门上摘下来”，什么“要求中国当局脱掉共产党外衣”，什么“共产党若不迅速剿灭中毛共党，必将死于 其手”等等， 真是鸡飞狗跳炸开了锅……

The pamphlet of our party “To all the people of China” not only received great attention within China, and to a great extent acted to wake up and stimulate the Chinese proletarian class, but it also resulted in a lot of international political influences. “Radio Free Asia” and “Voice of America” all made reports about us. Reactionary forces both inside and outside of China immediately felt threatened by our pamphlet, and started to attack our party and offered strategies to the ruling regime of China. They used slogans such as “Shocking, going against Hu Jintao in favour of Mao Zedong, the sons and grandsons of Mao have created the Maoist Communist Party of China”; “Without completely getting rid of the legacy of Mao we will surely be breeding problems for the future”; “We strongly propose that the portrait of Mao be removed from Tiananmen”; “We demand that the Chinese government discard its communist coating” and “If the CCP does not destroy the MCPC fast, it will surely die in its hands”…it’s almost as if chickens and dogs are flying apart!

中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团表面上装聋作哑，实际上却迅速指使警方对我党展开了不遗余力的 阻止和追查， 他们勘察散发传单的地点，调集当天的监视录像，在互联网上顺藤摸瓜，传讯审问可疑人员，企图将 新生的我党扼 杀在摇篮之中。

对此，我党向中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团提出强烈抗议！我党强烈要求立即停止对我党进行的 秘密追剿！

The traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party pretends to not hear anything, but in practice they have began to utilise police forces to pursue our party. They are keeping the locations where we hand out our pamphlets under careful supervision, and are checking the CCTV images of the days when we are active. Through the internet police they are pursuing suspicious personnel. They want to destroy our party while it is still in its infancy.

We strongly condemn the actions of the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party! We strongly demand that all secretive suppression of our party by the regime completely cease immediately!

我 党奉行“君子动口不动手”的民主政治诉求原则，同时也奉行“小人动手，老子也动手”的革命铁律 。我党的《告全国人民书》及此《十大声明》，就是要动员全国 人民行动起来关心国家大事。我党坚决反对中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团实行法西斯白色恐怖！如果中国共产 党修正主义叛徒统治集团一意孤行，硬是要把中国人民引入腥风血雨之中，那么，我党只有奉陪到底！直到打得中国没有一个敢于恶毒攻击毛主席的反 革命分子为止！直到打得中国没有一个敢于走资本主义道路的修 正主义叛徒分子为止！

Our party follows the democratic political principle of “the virtuous person uses his/her mouth rather than his/her hands”, but we also follow the iron revolutionary law of “if the petty reactionaries use force, we shall do likewise”. The pamphlet “To all the people of China”, as well as the Ten Declarations here, shall act to mobilise everyone in China to start considering the big events of our country. We firmly oppose the utilisation of fascistic “white terror” by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party! If the revisionists stubbornly carry on with their actions, and drag the people of China into bloody wind and rain, then we will surely accompany them to the very end! We shall not stop until every single anti-Maoist reactionary has been removed from China! We shall not cease our struggle until every single traitorous revisionist that dares to embark on the capitalist path has been utterly destroyed!

二、感谢人民群众理解与支持的声明

2. We shall give thanks to the understanding and support shown to us by the people

毛主席指出：“真正的铜墙铁壁是什么？是群众，是千百万真心实意地拥护革命的群众。这是真正的铜墙铁壁，什 么力量也打不破的，完全打不破的。反革命打不破我 们，我们却要打破反革命。”我党的诞生和《告全国人民书》的发表，得到了绝大多数知情群众的拍手称快。我党 所接触到的群众不仅为我党的诞生感到欢欣鼓舞，而且在精神、物质方面都给以了有力的支持。特别是在我党短短三个月的党史中即不得不经历了党内 一次大的路线斗争之后，更加得到了解真相的群众的理解和支 持，原来没有打算急于入党的同志，现在积极要求入党了；原来没有打算对我党给予赞助的朋友，现在给予大力赞 助了……

Chairman Mao once said: “What is the real “bronze wall and iron shield”? It is the masses, the masses who whole-heartedly support the revolution. This is the real “bronze wall and iron shield”, something that cannot be destroyed by any kind of force. The counter-revolutionaries cannot destroy us, but we shall destroy them.” The creation of our party and the release of the pamphlet “To all the people of China” have received the support of the majority of the masses who know what this really meant. The masses who got into touch with our party not only felt happy at our party’s creation, but also offered a lot of support both spiritually and materially. Especially ever since the first great political line struggle in the first three months of the short history of our party, more and more people who learned the truth about us started to show their understanding and support. Those who did not wish to join our party at the start, now actively wished to join; those who did not decide to support our party at the start, now started to offer a lot of help…

对此，我党向理解和支持我党的人民群众致以崇高的革命敬礼！感谢人民的理解！感谢人民的支持！

有些群众担心我党的进一步活动会受到敌人变本加厉地迫害，实际上，我党越是活动频繁就越是能得 到人民群众的 响应与支持，而得到人民群众的响应与支持越是广泛和强烈，我党的安全系数也就越大。

For this, we shall offer a revolutionary salute of the highest degree to all those who understand and support our party! We shall give thanks to the understanding of the people! We shall give thanks to the support of the people!

Some people are concerned that the continued activities of our party will cause more retaliations by the enemy. In fact, the more active our party becomes, the more support it will get from the masses, and the more support it has, the safer our party will be.

毋 庸置疑，我党的存在和我党的行动已使统治集团感到如坐针毡了，他们的确是恨不能将我党一口咬死 、一把掐死，可是敌人总是习惯性的过低估计革命人民一方的能 力和力量，总是习惯性的错误判断革命人民一方的智慧和勇气。由于我们这个党是符合广大人民群众和大多数中国 共产党普通党员愿望的；由于我们这个党是在人民群众中汲取了充分的养料才裂石穿云、横空出世的；由于我们这个党的根是深深地扎在人民群众当中 的。所以，一旦反复辟革命形势到来，他们就丈二和尚摸不着头 脑了——分不清楚到底有多少人和有哪些人是能够跟着他们反革命的，更分不清楚到底会有多少人和会有哪些人也 是要准备革他们命的。所以，他们奈何不了我党也 就不足为奇了。

Without doubt, the existence and actions of our party has caused the ruling bloc to feel uncomfortable, they hate the fact that they cannot destroy our forces in one go. But the enemy by habit tends to under-estimate the power of the revolutionary people, and by habit tends to wrongly judge the wisdom and courage of the revolutionary masses. Since our party fits in with the wishes of the masses of people and the majority of the ordinary party members of the Chinese Communist Party, because our party has only emerged through taking in nutrients given out by the masses, our party has deep roots within the people. Therefore, when the anti-restoration revolutionary situation arrives, our enemy would be confused – they would not be able to know how many people and whom they can trust on to follow them on the route towards counter-revolution, and furthermore they would not realise exactly how many people and whom would be prepared to overthrow them in a revolution. Therefore, there is no suprise in the fact that the ruling regime cannot really do much to our party.

三、中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团是中国人民的头号敌人的声明

3. We declare that the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party is the top enemy of the peoples of China

历 史已经证明，修正主义者上台，工农就下台；修正主义者掌握政权，无产阶级就丧失政权；修正主义 者搞“改革开放”，广大劳动人民就吃二遍苦、受二茬罪。“改 革开放”给中国人民的造成的一切灾难，都是由中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团一手造成的。世界上，由于帝国 主义的侵略给被侵略国家造成的一切灾难，中国共产党修正主义叛徒集团也难逃其责！所以，中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团是中国人民的头号敌人 。资产阶级右派分子也是我们打击的对象，但是打击的重点还是 中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团。

History has shown that if the revisionists get into power, then the workers and peasants shall be cast down; if the revisionists control the government, then the proletariat would lose their political power; if the revisionists engage in the so-called “opening-up reforms”, then the labouring masses of the country will be exploited for the second time. All of the disasters that have been brought upon the country and our people by the so-called “opening-up reforms”, are directly caused by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party. Globally, the Chinese revisionists also share responsibility for the disasters imposed upon countries that have been invaded by imperialist powers! Therefore, the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party is clearly the number one enemy of the peoples of China. The capitalist right-wingers are also attacked by us, but our main enemey is no doubt the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party.

毛主席指出：“否定马克思主义的基本原则，否定马克思主义的普遍真理，这就是修正主义。”同时 还指出：“修正主义者抹杀社会主义和资本主义的区别，抹杀无产阶级专政和资产阶级的区别。他们所主张的，在 实际上并不是社会主义路线，而是资本主义路线。”资产阶级在 党内的代理人邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛就是这样的反革命修正主义分子。他们都抹杀社会主义同资本主义的区别， 把社会主义同资本主义混为一谈，而在行动上完全推行资本主义路线；他们都抹杀无产阶级专政同资产阶级的区别，把无产阶级专政同资产阶级混为一 谈，而在行动上完全推行资产阶级的那一套。一句话，他们都反 对社会主义革命和无产阶级专政。

毛主席教导我们：“修正主义上台，就是资本主义上台。而且是最坏的资本主义，是法西斯主义；如 果有一天共产 党不为人民服务了，那么人民就要起来打倒他！”这里的“他”，指的就是中国共产党修正主义叛徒 统治集团。

Chairman Mao once said: “To negate the basic principles of Marxism, to no longer acknowledge the universal truths of Marxism, such is called revisionism.” At the same time he points out: “revisionists deliberately try to white-wash the differences between socialism and capitalism, and dampen down the fundamental distinction between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the bourgeois. What they propose is not really the socialist path, but the capitalist path.” The representatives of the bourgeois class within the party, such as Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, are all counter-revolutionary revisionists. They wish to white-wash the distinction between socialism and capitalism, to confound the two together; but in their actions they completely pursue the capitalist line; they all deliberately destroy the fundamental difference between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship of the bourgeois, and in action they are completely capitalist. In one phrase, they all oppose socialist revolution and proletarian dictatorship.

Chairman Mao teaches us: “When the revisionists get into power, it is the same as the capitalists getting into power. And indeed it is the worst kind of capitalism, it is like fascism; if one day the Chinese Communist Party no longer serves the interests of the people, then the people should rise up to overthrow it!” Today the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party is indeed in power, and therefore should be overthrown.

四、中国毛泽东主义共产党是无产阶级革命政党的声明

4. We declare that the Maoist Communist Party of China is a proletarian revolutionary party

中国毛泽东主义共产党是马克思、列宁、毛泽东主义武装起来的无产阶级革命政党，是毛泽东时期中 国共产党和毛 主席遗志的忠实继承者，是无产阶级先进分子所组成的朝气蓬勃的革命先锋队组织。

The Maoist Communist Party of China is a proletarian revolutionary party armed with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, it is the faithful heir of the will of Chairman Mao and the Chinese Communist Party during the Mao Zedong era, and it is a vibrant revolutionary vanguardist organisation composed of the advanced layers of the proletarian class.

中国毛泽东主义共产党诞生于2008年11月28日。中国毛泽东主义共产党的诞生，标志着新一代中国共产党 人在行动上与中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团实行 了最彻底的决裂；标志着中国第二次社会主义革命时代来临；标志着中国人民反复辟大革命斗争的序 幕正式拉开！

The Maoist Communist Party of China was formally created on 28 November 2008. The creation of the Maoist Communist Party of China is the sign that the new generation of Chinese Communist Party members have now completely broken with the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc; it is the sign that the era of the second socialist revolution has arrived in China; it is the sign that the great revolutionary struggle against capitalist restoration by the peoples of China has formally began!

中国毛泽东主义共产党的基本纲领，是彻底推翻中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团和复辟了的官僚、 买办剥削阶级 ，用毛泽东主义战胜修正主义；用社会主义社会战胜资本主义社会。党的最终目标，是实现共产主义 。

The basic political line of the Maoist Communist Party of China is to completely overthrow the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the current Chinese Communist Party and the restored bucreaucratic-capitalist class, so that Maoism shall gain victory over revisionism, and socialist society will win against capitalist society. The ultimate objective of our party is to achieve communism.

中 国毛泽东主义共产党现阶段的基本方针，是遵循毛主席的无产阶级革命路线，以马克思、列宁、毛泽 东主义作为党的理论基础和行动指南，广泛动员和组织人民群 众，紧紧依靠和相信人民群众，有组织、有步骤、有方法地在第一次社会主义革命的基础上、在中国共产党修正主 义叛徒统治集团的当权中、在官僚资本主义复辟的环境下，进行第二次社会主义革命。这次革命的第一个任务，是夺回广大人民群众失去的一切权利， 重新建立无产阶级专政。完成这个任务的方法，是开展誓死推翻 中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团的反复辟大革命运动，打一场文攻武卫的人民革命理论战争并夺取彻底的胜利。

The basic method of the Maoist Communist Party of China is to follow the proletarian revolutionary line first laid down by Chairman Mao, and use Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the theoretical basis and the general strategic guideline. We will widely mobilise and organise the people, and rely on the power of the masses. In a methodical and organised manner we shall engage in China’s second socialist revolution on the basis of the first socialist revolution and under the conditions where bureaucratic capitalism has been restored and the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party has obtained political power. The first mission of this revolution is to win back all of the rights that the masses of people have lost, and thereby re-establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The method through which this political mission can be accomplished is to initiate a great revolutionary movement against the capitalist restoration of the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the Chinese Communist Party, and to engage in a people’s revolutionary war through both words and actions, and in the end acquire complete victory.

中国毛泽东主义共产党2009年 的中心工作，是制造舆论，武装思想，发展组织，开展斗争。即大造革命舆论，用毛泽东主义武装全 党、全军和全国人民，积极发展党员队伍和党的各地组织，积极 募集革命活动经费，切实开展对敌斗争和配合人民群众各种形式的维权斗争，为逐步到来的反复辟大革命运动高潮 奠定基础。

The central work of the Maoist Communist Party of China in 2009 is to engage in public propaganda, to ideologically arm the masses, to develop our organisations, and to engage in concrete political struggles. We shall use Maoism to arm the entire party, the entire army and the entire people of China, so that we can actively develop a cadre and the various regional branches, and collect the funds required for our revolutionary work. We will engage in struggles against our enemy and support the various struggles for basic rights conducted by the masses of the people. Through this we will lay down the basis for the height of the revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration that will gradually arrive.

五、坚定第二次社会主义革命大方向的声明

5. We declare that we will firmly embark on the road of the second socialist revolution in China

毛 主席明确指出：“修正主义上台，也就是资产阶级上台。”毛主席还明确指出：“无产阶级和资产阶 级的矛盾，用社会主义革命的方法去解决”，中国共产党修正主 义叛徒统治集团是资产阶级的变种；是帝国主义的奴才和走狗；正如毛主席指出的那样：“资产阶级影响的存在， 是修正主义的国内根源，屈服于帝国主义的压力，是修正主义的国外根源。”中国无产阶级同中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团的矛盾就是无产阶级同 资产阶级的矛盾。而解决这个矛盾的方法就是进行反复辟的社会 主义革命。

As Chairman Mao clearly stated, “when the revisionists get into power, that’s the same as when the capitalists get into power”. Mao also clearly said: “the antagonism between the proletarian and the bourgeois classes need to be resolved through socialist revolution”. The traitorous revisionist ruling bloc in the Chinese Communist Party today is just a variation of the capitalist class, they are the running dogs and servants of imperialism. As Chairman Mao correctly pointed out: “the presence of capitalist influences is the fundamental domestic cause of revisionism; to bow down to the pressures of imperialism is the external cause of revisionism.” The basic antagonism between the Chinese proletarian class and the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the Chinese Communist Party today is equivalent to the antagonism between the proletarian class and the bourgeois class. The way to resolve this contradiction is to engage in a socialist revolution against capitalist restoration.

第二次社会主义革命的概念，是源于对毛主席领导的二十七年社会主义革命做出认真总结的基础上、 是源于对新的 社会主义革命内容及策略的仔细梳理和研究的基础上、是源于我党的诞生和在思想上、理论上、行动上具备了进入一个新的社 会主义革命历程条件的基础上得出来的。故称之为第二次社会主 义革命。

The concept of the second socialist revolution is formulated on the basis of the conscientious summarisation of the 27 years of socialist revolution that Chairman Mao personally led, as well as through the careful consideration and research of the contents and strategies of the new socialist revolution. It originates from the formal creation of our party, and the objective conditions that are now mature enough in terms of ideological, theoretical and active elements for us to embark on the road of a new socialist revolution. Therefore it is called the second socialist revolution.

第二次社会主义革命的大方向，是坚定中国毛泽东主义共产党的领导，坚定贯彻党的路线、方针、政 策，坚定走社会主义道路，坚定用社会主义制度代替资本主义制度，坚定无产阶级对资产阶级的斗争和专政，坚定 建设一个真正的社会主义现代化强国，坚定为实现共产主义而努力奋斗。

The general political direction of the second socialist revolution is to firmly follow the leadership of the Maoist Communist Party of China, to firmly carry out the political line, methodology and policies of our party, to firmly engage in the struggle to replace the capitalist system with the socialist system, to firmly engage in the proletarian political struggles against the bourgeois to eventually establish a dictatorship of the proletariat, to firmly focus our efforts to build a real modern, prosperous and strong socialist state, and to firmly and diligently struggle for the genuine realisation of communism.

只 有坚定这个大方向，才能胜利完成历史赋予我们的光荣使命。只有坚定这个大方向，才能实现毛主席 要求的：“做到统一认识，统一政策，统一计划，统一指挥，统 一行动”。否则的话，就算我们进了火葬场再从冒烟筒里飘出来继续争论，也解决不了“统一认识” 这一个问题， 其它的问题就更不用说了。所以，坚定这个大方向，其实就是坚定了一条符合毛泽东主义的、正确的、在资本主义复辟条件下的无产阶级革命的总路 线。

Only through firmly holding onto this general direction, can we victoriously achieve the glorious mission that history has bestowed upon us. Only by firmly holding onto this general direction, can we realise what Chairman Mao required of us: “United in consciousness, united in policy, united in planning, untied in leadership, and united in action”. Otherwise, even if we come out of the crematorium as ashes and continue to embark on endless arguing, it would be to no avil, as we cannot solve the problem of how to become “united in consciousness”, nor can we become united in the other areas. Therefore, to firmly hold onto this general political direction, is to firmly hold onto a general political line that fits in with Maoism and is objectively correct under the present conditions of capitalist restoration in China.

六、 开展中国人民反复辟大革命运动的声明

6. We declare that a great revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration among the peoples of China will be enacted

根 据毛泽东主义的道理，要战胜中国官僚资本主义的大复辟，就必须针锋相对的搞一场中国无产阶级的 反复辟大革命。即开展一次中国人民反复辟大革命运动，打它一 场文攻武卫的人民革命理论战争！不如此我们就不能推翻中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团；不如此我们就不能重 新建立无产阶级专政和建立起新的社会主义制度；不如此我们就不能实现毛主席、周总理等老一辈无产阶级革命家的伟大遗志；不如此我们就对不起千 千万万为无产阶级利益奋斗而牺牲的革命烈士的在天之灵；不如 此我们就不能为国际共产主义运动作出中国无产阶级应该作出的贡献！

According to the principles of Maoism, to defeat the great project of capitalist restoration of Chinese bureaucratic capitalism, we must engage in an anti-restoration great revolutionary movement of the Chinese proletariat to match against it. We must enact a great revolutionary movment against capitalist restoration among the peoples of China, and to engage in a people’s revolutionary war in both words and actions! Without doing this we shall not be able to overthrow the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party; without doing this we cannot re-establish the proletarian dictatorship and the new socialist system; without doing this we cannot realise the wills of the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries like Chairman Mao and Primier Zhou; without doing this we cannot honestly face the thousands of revolutionary martyrs who have given their lives for the interests of the proletarian class; without doing this we cannot contribute properly to the international communist movement as Chinese proletarians!

中国人民反复辟大革命运动的性质，是毛泽东主义同现代修正主义斗争、失权的中国无产阶级同复辟了的官僚买办资产阶级斗争、社会主义社会同资本主义社会斗争的性质。这场大 革命的特征，是在修正主义当道、复辟了的官僚资本主义环境 下、在人们各种混乱思想状态下自下而上进行的一场人民革命理论斗争。斗争的矛头，是直指中国共产党修正主义 叛徒统治集团和死心塌地的反革命右派分子。斗争的方法，是从武装人们的思想入手，逐步升级，直至达到目的。而打好这场战争的锐利武器就是—— 毛泽东主义。

The basic nature of the great revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration by the peoples of China is the struggle between Maoism and modern revisionism, the struggle between the Chinese proletarian class that has lost its political power and the bureaucratic capitalist class that are in power, the struggle between socialism and capitalism. The feature of this great revolution is to have a bottom-up people’s revolutionary theoretical struggle under the present conditions of ideological confusion among most layers of the population. The spearhead of this struggle is pointed towards the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party and the die-hard counter-revolutionary right-wingers that support them. The method of this struggle is to first arm people ideologically, and then gradually increase in levels, ultimately resulting in complete victory. And the sharp weapon that is to be used to win this war is Maoism.

毛主席指出：“帝国主义和一切反动 派都是纸老虎。修正主义者也是纸老虎。”表面上看这个统治集团控制着一切，又是法律；又是军队 ；又是武警；又是公安；好像强大的不得了。实际上，由于它政 治上的反动性和生活上的腐败化，已经变得非常虚弱和不堪一击。中国毛泽东主义共产党的诞生，其实就预示这个 统治集团的死亡。

Chairman Mao pointed out: “Imperialists and all other reactionary forces are nothing but paper tigers. Revisionists are also paper tigers.” Superficially it seems as if this revisionist ruling bloc controls everything: the law, the army, the armed police, the police force; it is as if they are powerful beyond recognition. But in reality, due to the reactionary nature of its politics and the corrupt state of its life, it has already become very weak. The emergence of the Maoist Communist Party of China indeed foreshadows the death of this ruling bloc.

我党在这个阶段不 强调军事斗争而非常重视理论斗争，是符合客观实际的，站在军事的角度来看，也是符合避敌之强， 博敌之弱的革命军事原则的。我们目前的精力和行动，应当主要 放在促使人民反复辟大革命的热情在全国各地普遍高涨起来这个方面，把人民发动起来，使人民团结起来，形成广 大人民群众自觉自愿的行动。只有这样做了，才能 继续往下一步进行。

At this stage our party focuses on theoretical struggle rather than military struggle, this is a very realistic approach. From a military perspective, our current plan also fits in with the revolutionary military principles of “avoiding the strength of the enemy, while striking at its weakness”. Our efforts and actions now should be mainly focussed on mobilising and motivating the people around the country to engage in the great revolution against capitalist restoration. We need to mobilise the people, unite the people in solidarity, so that the masses of the people will voluntarily act. Only through this can we continue to the next step.

毛主席曾说文化大革命是一次认真的演习。今天看来可以确定，那次的“认真的演习”，就是为我们 这次的地地道 道的实战而准备的。

Chairman Mao once remarked that the Cultural Revolution was a conscientious military exercise. Today it is clear that this “conscientious military exercise” has prepared us for our real struggles today.

当 前的国内外形势已经非常有利于中国革命。世界资本主义经济危机在进一步加剧，中国官僚资本主义 根本无法独善其身。统治集团的经济统治和政治统治受到了双重 动摇。面对革命形势，统治集团已经开始用许愿的方法、用拆东墙补西墙的方法、用小恩小惠的方法让步于人民； 开始用加大拉拢、控制军队和公安的力度来维护他 们摇摇欲坠的统治了。

At present, the domestic and international environment is very conducive to the Chinese revolution. The economic crisis of global capitalism is continuing to deepen, and there is no way for the Chinese bureaucratic capitalists to pull out of it themselves. The economic and political rule of the ruling bloc has been shaken from both sides. Against the rising revolutionary situation, the ruling bloc is already utilising ways to satisfy the people in a limited manner to appease the public, as well as strengthening their control on the army and the police to protect their wavering rule.

展望未来，随着广大人民群众革命觉悟的不断提高，以维护他们自己利益的经济斗争会不断上升到为 改变社会制度 的政治斗争高度上来；我党和其它革命组织会迅速扩大；无数具有政治远见、大公无私、脚踏实地、富有牺牲精神 又有斗争艺术的革命领袖形人物会脱颖而出和涌入我党；一切形 形色色的假左派分子会在革命的实际斗争中被甄别出来并被淘汰出局；所有的党内外机会主义、教条主义者，因舍 不得丢掉的小资产阶级思想的作怪，会在他们意想不到的斗争形势面前黯然神伤，甚至堕落成为革命的可耻逃兵或叛徒；只考虑自己在党内的身份、位 置的沽名钓誉者会随着革命形势的发展越来越被动而彻底靠边稍 息；“满腔的热血已经沸腾，要为真理而斗争”的中国毛泽东主义共产党人则会始终奋战在反复辟大革命的第一线 ，捭阖纵横、百折不挠、一步一个脚印地带领人民 把誓死推翻反革命修正主义统治集团的伟大斗争进行到底！

Looking ahead towards the future, as the revolutionary consciousness of the masses continue to improve, the economic struggles to protect their own interests will continue to rise to the level of political struggle to change the social system. Our party and other revolutionary organisations will increase in power, and countless revolutionary leaders with political foresight, a great sense of altruism, an ability to achieve concrete objectives, a willingness to sacrifice themselves for political goals, as well as a great understanding of the art of struggle, will flock into our party, and various pseudo-leftists will be weeded out through real revolutionary struggles. The various opportunists and dogmatists both within and outside the party, due to their unwillingness to part with their petit-bourgeois world view, will become depressed when faced with the unexpectedness of the struggle situations, to the extent that some may even degenerate and become shameless traitors of the revolution. Those who only care about their status within the party would become sidelined more and more as the revolutionary situation continues to develop. But the genuine members of the Maoist Communist Party of China will sing the Internationale and firmly stand on the front lines of the great revolution against capitalist restoration. No setbacks or problems would stop their advance. They shall, one step at a time, lead the people to fight the great struggle against the counter-revolutionary revisionist ruling bloc to its complete conclusion!

不管全世界共产主义运动中有没有推翻修正主义执政党的先例，我们都绝不重蹈前苏联的覆辙，我们 一定要在“红 旗”落地的前一天完成我们的使命！我们一定要向毛主席报告：主席，我们胜利了！

Regardless of whether or not there has ever been a prior instance in the history of world communism in which a revisionist ruling party has been overthrown, we shall not follow the demise of the former Soviet Union, we shall complete our struggles one day before the “red flag” drops down onto the ground! We shall certainly report to Chairman Mao: “Chairman, we have won!”

七、毛泽东主义是战胜中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团的强大思想武器和理论武器的声明

7. We declare that Maoism is the powerful ideological and theoretical weapon one can use to gain victory over the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party

毛 泽东主义是马克思、列宁主义划时代的继承和发展，是毛泽东思想的全面概括和系统总结。毛泽东主 义把马克思、列宁主义提高到了一个崭新的高度，是无产阶级革 命理论的第三个里程碑。毛泽东主义是中国毛泽东主义共产党的灵魂和根本，是抵御党内各种资产阶级思想和机会 主义的伟大法宝，是战胜中国共产党修正主义叛徒 统治集团的强大思想武器和理论武器。

Maoism is the epoch-making continuation and development of Marxism-Leninism, and the comprehensive and systematic summarisation of Mao Zedong Thought in general. Maoism has raised Marxism-Leninism to a new height, it is the third great milestone in the history of the proletarian revolution. Maoism is the soul and fundation of the Maoist Communist Party of China, it is a great artifact to defend oneself against the various types of capitalist thoughts and opportunism within the party, and it is the great ideological and theoretical weapon that one can use to acquire victory against the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party.

毛主席指出：“代表先进阶级的正确思想，一旦被群众掌握，就会变成改造社会、改造世界的物质力 量。”我们掌 握这个武器的目的，就是要“变成改造社会、改造世界的物质力量”，我们我们掌握这个武器的目的 ，不是要弹劾 反革命政府，而是要推翻反革命政府。

Chairman Mao pointed out: “The correct ideologies that represent the advanced class, once they have been absorbed by the masses, would then become the material force to transform society and transform the world.” The purpose for us to hold onto this ideological weapon, is to let it become the material force to transform human society and the natural world. We do not use our weapon to merely shake the counter-revolutionary government that is in power today, but to completely overthrow the counter-revolutionary government.

用 毛泽东主义武装人民的思想，我们的斗争就必然胜利，不用毛泽东主义武装人民的思想，我们的一切 革命斗争就只能停留在肤浅的表面和口头上而不能取得胜利。所 以，把毛泽东主义这个锐利武器发放的人民群众手中，利用一切可以利用的形式，采取一切可以采取的办法，把深 揭狠批统治集团的檄文和我党的主张传递到全国各地，带领人民群众共同向统治集团发起全面的、持久的、猛烈的、一波又一波的进攻是每一个党员和 已经在思想上 入了党的革命积极分子的光荣任务！

To arm the people’s thoughts with Maoism, our struggles would definitely become victorious; without using Maoism to arm the thoughts of the people, all of our revolutionary struggles could only ever stop at the stage of superficial slogans and would never gain actual victory. Therefore, we must give the sharp weapon of Maoism to the people, and use every method we can use to spread the information that tells people about the truth of the ruling bloc to every region in China. We shall lead the masses of the people to strike together comprehensively, continuously and fiercely against the revisionist ruling bloc. This is indeed the glorious mission of every party member and supporter!

八、扫除左派一切错误观点，为无产阶级反复辟大革命运动开辟道路的声明

8. We declare that we shall remove all the erroreous thoughts among the left, so that a road to the great revolutionary movement of the proletarian class can be opened up

如 何对付资本主义的大复辟，左派从来就争执不下，长期以来对解决复辟问题，始终是处在对“杀猪杀 屁股，各有各的杀法”的“杀法”研究上。诸如什么“重上井冈 山，建立根据地，武装夺取政权”，什么“对于资本主义复辟当局的斗争已经不是“反对修正主义” 问题，而是与 官僚资本主义的斗争”，什么“复辟已经完成了，现在的革命就不是反复辟了”，什么“我们进行的革命应该是民主主义革命”，什么“到农村去，走 集体主义道路 ”，什么“到基层去交朋友，一变二、二变四、四 变八……”，什么“展开合法斗争，促使中央左转”，什么“武装割据，攻城略地”，等等等等，革命策略可谓让 人眼花缭乱、不胜枚举。

How to counter the great restoration of capitalism, the various tendencies within the left in China have continued to argue without resolution. For a long time the research into how to solve the problem of capitalist restoration was limited to debating “the various means to kill a pig”. Ideas that have been raised include “go back to Jinggang Mountain, re-establish a revolutionary foothold, and acquire political power through guerrilla warfare”, “the struggles against the capitalist restoration of the ruling bloc is not just a matter of “fighting against revisionism”, but the struggle against bureaucratic capitalism”, “the capitalist restoration has been completed, today’s revolution is no longer anti-revisionist”, “our revolution now should be a democratic revolution primarily”, “we should go to the countryside and establish collective enterprises”, “we should form friendships among the grassroots layers, and increase our numbers”, “we should engage in struggles within the framework of the law, and make the central government turn left”, “split up the country through armed force and directly conquer cities” etc. The sheer number of various “revolutionary strategies” that have come forth is numerous enough to make people dizzy.

所有这些观 点虽然在愿望上是好的，但实际上却是片面的、僵死的、形而上学的。有的是从根本上否认中国共产 党修正主义叛徒统治集团的客观存在；有的是对现代修正主义者 的复辟手段视而不见；有的是片面强调某一点而忽略本质和主体；有的是根本就不懂得阶级性质和阶级斗争。正如 列宁指出的那样：“他们都自命为马克思主义者，但是对马克思主义的了解却迂腐到了极点。马克思主义中有决定意义的东西，即马克思主义的革命辩 证法，他们一点也不懂得。”他们甚至不能理解毛主席“代表先 进阶级的正确思想，一旦被群众掌握，就会变成改造社会、改造世界的物质力量”的伟大教导是什么意思。更有甚 者连这次革命的性质都弄不清楚，这岂不是十分荒 唐和可笑吗？

Although all of these views are right in their wishes, objectively they are all partial, dogmatic and metaphysical. Some fundamentally reject the fact that the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc within the Chinese Communist Party exists at all; some do not see the restoration methods of modern revisionists; some partially emphasise on a particular point but neglect the whole and the essence; some don’t even seem to have a basic understanding of class nature and class struggle. As Lenin once pointed out: “They all call themselves Marxists, but their understanding of Marxism is degenerate to the extreme. The determining factor of Marxism, the revolutionary dialectics of Marxism, they have no understanding of at all.” These people don’t even understand the essential meaning of the great Maoist teaching: “The correct ideologies that represent the advanced class, once they have been absorbed by the masses, would then become the material force to transform society and transform the world”. Some don’t even grasp the essential nature of this revolution, is this not very stupid and laughable indeed?

根据毛泽东主义的道理，马克思主义活的灵魂在于具体的情况作具体分析，这句话会说的人很多，真 正会应用和发 挥的人却极少。机会主义和教条主义者就是把马列毛主义的理论当作抽象的、狭隘的公式到处生搬硬套，他们拒 绝研究矛盾的变化和矛盾的特殊性，具体讲就是不研究中国官僚 资本主义是怎样演变的，不承认中国官僚资本主义的特殊性是修正主义形式的。只看现象，不看本质。只抓一点， 不及其余。只顾历史经验，从不应变创新。看见是个瘸子便要去治人家的腿，却不知是由中风而起，不知中风不愈，其腿永瘸的道理。所以，呼喊着重 上井冈山的，至今山上空无一人，嚷嚷着去基层“变”朋友的， 至今也未能“变”出个名堂，走集体道路的南街村倒是名声在外，却撼不动统治集团一根毫毛，挡不住大复辟一泻 千里。凡此种种，最终也只能是“躲躲闪闪，就像 猫儿围着热饭兜圈子。（列宁语）”

According to the principles of Maoism, the living soul of Marxism is the ability to have a concrete analysis of concrete situations. Many people understand this, but few can really apply it. Both opportunists and dogmatists treat Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as abstract and narrow formulas to impose on all sorts of situations. They refuse to investigate the transformation of contradictions and the special circumstances of different contradictions. In this instance they do not consider the actual history of how bureaucratic capitalism came to be what it is like today, they do not recognise that the special nature of the bureaucratic capitalists in China is that they are in the form of revisionism. They only look at the phenomenon, but not at the essence. They only grasp a singular point, but not the rest. They only care about historical experience, but have no ability to be creative according to the circumstances. When they see a lame person they want to treat his/her leg, but they don’t see that this is caused by a stroke, and do not recognise that as long as the stroke is not treated, the leg will forever remain lame. So despite shouting about going back to Jinggang Mountain, to this day there isn’t a single person there; despite some friends calling for people to go to the grassroots layers to enact changes, to this day there has been no real changes at all. The names of collective enterprises like Nanjie Village are indeed quite famous, but they cannot even harm a single hair of the revisionist ruling bloc, nor can they block the great waterfall of capitalist restoration. All of these, are in the end what Lenin called “dodging this way and that, like a cat around a hot meal”.

修正主义叛徒统治集团与官僚资本主义的关系是因果的关系。“因”的问题迎刃而解了，“果”的处 理也就势如破竹了。如果对“因”没有正确认识，对“果”也就无从下手。所以，如果我们直接处理“果”而不察 其“因”，不仅不能从一团乱线中抽出它的头来，而且也不符合 事物发展的客观规律。所以，轻视修正主义统治下的革命理论斗争是极其错误的，是严重违背马克思主义的革命辩 证法的。

The relation between the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc and bureaucratic capitalism is the relation between cause and effect. If the “cause” is solved, the “effect” will be solved directly. If there is no correct understanding of the “cause”, then there is no way to solve the “effect”. Therefore, if we directly sort out the “effect” but don’t examine the “cause”, then not only can we not find the thread within a confused mass of strings, we are not doing things according to the objective laws of their development either. Therefore, to under-estimate the importance of theoretical revolutionary struggles under the rule of revisionism is very incorrect, and is a severe violation of the revolutionary dialectics of Marxism.

另外，政治上的折衷主义、 思想上的自由主义、理论上的教条主义、形式上的机会主义、行动上的山头主义等等，都是横在中国 无产阶级反复辟大革命运动前面的绊脚石。这些障碍和那些错误 观点，实际上都极大地阻碍着反复辟大革命运动的顺利开展，它们的存在只能使中国无产阶级反复辟大革命运动被 无情地拖延。如果能将这些不利因素转为有利因素，整个中国左派队伍心往一处想，劲往一处使，三年之内搬到这个统治集团又有何难？厨师刀下拍 黄瓜——小菜一碟嘛。所以，所有号称毛泽东主义者的左派同志 和我党党员，都有责任从政治思想上、革命理论上、实际行动上高标准要求自己，自觉扫除我们自己的一切错误观 点和障碍！只有这样，才能为反复辟大革命开辟道 路！只有这样，才能迈开人民推动历史前进的有力步伐！

In addition, electism in politics, liberalism in thought, dogmatism in theory, opportunism in form, and sectarianism in action etc, are all like stumbling blocks in front of the great revolutionary movement of the Chinese proletarian class against capitalist restoration. These stumbling blocks and those mistaken views, all objectively obstruct the positive development of the anti-restoration revolutionary movement. Their existence can only cause delays in the revolutionary movement. If we can transform these negative influences into positive ones, so that the entire left in China think along the same lines and utilise their efforts in the same direction, then what difficulties would there be to take down the current regime within the next three years? It would be as easy as a chef cutting up cucumbers. Therefore, all leftists who consider themselves Maoists and the members of our party have the responsibility to set a high standard for themselves in the areas of political thought, revolutionary theory and actual practice, and self-consciously sweep away all of the mistaken thoughts and obstructions that block our way! Only through this, can we open up a way for the great revolutionary movement against capitalist restoration! Only through this, can we embark on the road of historical progress by the people!

九、中国共产党修正主义叛徒统治集团非下台不可的声明

9. We declare that the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc of the Chinese Communist Party must be cast down

毛 主席指出：“马克思主义这个真理是不可抗拒的，人民群众总是要革命的。”随着反复辟大革命形势 的发展，修正主义统治集团内部矛盾也会快速的发生微妙的变 化，这种变化会不断的被催化而发生作用。革命的风会吹进军营，造反的意识会在军队掀起波澜。每一个军人都会 思考自己的立场——倾向革命的军人是大多数，倾向反革命的只是可怜的一小部分。军队的分化会成为必然。负隅顽抗的修正主义头子和反动军官会逐 渐的被孤立起来。统治集团头子最后的选择无非是——要么是在 全国罢工、罢课、罢市中被“罢免”而下台，要么是在无产阶级的文攻武卫中被人民革命的力量推翻而下台，要么 是在人民革命舆论压力下被动谈判而下台。无论是 哪一种下台方式，总之是非下台不可。这是毫无疑义的！

As Chairman Mao pointed out: “The truth of Marxism cannot be resisted, the masses of the people will certainly engage in revolution.” As the great revolutionary situation against capitalist restoration continues to develop, the internal conflicts within the revisionist ruling bloc will also gradually change. This kind of change is caused by external factors and will gradually begin to have an effect. The wind of revolution will be blown into the army barracks, and the consciousness to rise up would sweep across the army. Every soldier will think about his/her own political stance — the majority will side with the revolution, only a tiny minority will go to the side of counter-revolution. The division within the army would become a necessity. Obstinate revisionist leaders and reactionary officers within the army will be gradually isolated. The heads of the ruling bloc will either be “fired” from their positions by the waves of strikes across the country by workers and students, or be directly overthrown by the revolutionary forces of the proletarian people, or be forced to engage in passive negotiations with the people’s revolution and be pressurised to resign. Regardless of how they would go, they must go, of this there is absolutely no doubt at all!

我党在这反复辟大革命的第一时间里就奉劝了反革命统治集团头子，现在还是那句老话，“识时务者为俊杰”，早下台早主动，晚下台就被动，越晚下台就越被动。如果通过谈判而下台，则是最 明智的选择，可谓是早交权早解脱，早交权早安生。这样不仅可 以为自己留下一条极尽体面的生路，而且也为自己的后代、家族留下一条奔向光明的出路。如果统治集团王八吃秤 砣，死不改悔而大开杀戒，这样的话，罪孽就大了，自己不仅会留下千古骂名而且会给自己的家族带来毁灭性的灾难。至于无产阶级，无非是经历一 次新的血与火 的革命历炼和战斗洗礼而已。

Our party, in this first phase of the anti-restoration great revolutionary movement, calls on the heads of the counter-revolutionary ruling bloc to resign voluntarily. As the old Chinese saying goes: “The truly capable and virtuous understand the requirements of the times.” The earlier you voluntarily come down, the more active you are. The later you come down, the more passive you become. If you resign as a result of negotiation, then it’s the most wise choice, by giving up your power early you have let the pressure off yourself early, and can then live in peace. This way not only can you leave yourself with a relatively respectable path ahead, but also you leave behind a way towards the light for your descendants and families. If on the other hand the ruling bloc refuse to repent and engage in mass slaughter, then your crimes will increase by a thousand-fold, not only would this leave a bad name for a thousand generations on yourself, but it would also bring about the complete destruction of your clans. As for the proletarian class, it would just be experiencing another round of revolutionary baptism through blood and fire.

十、毛泽东主义共产党基本主张的声明

10. The basic political programme of the Maoist Communist Party of China

1、把大大小小的走资派、官僚腐败分子统统赶下台去，废除修正主义叛徒统治集团强加于中国人民的资产阶级宪 法 、法律。建立人民监督委员会，人人参与国家、军队、政府的管理和监督，保证人民是国家的真正主 人。

1 We call for the overthrow of every big and small capitalist-roader and corrupt bureaucratic elements. We shall remove the captialist constitution and law that has been imposed upon the peoples of China by the traitorous revisionist ruling bloc. We shall establish people’s supervisory councils, so that everyone takes part in the management and supervision of the state, army and government, so that the people are guaranteed to become the real rulers of the country.

2、凡是1977年以前的公有制单位一律全部恢复。所有原单位失业下岗人员无条件恢复待遇。被侵占的所有公 有制单位财产一律 进行追查和清算。

2. Every single publicly owned work-unit established before 1977 will be completely restored. Every unemployed worker who used to belong to one of these work-units will unconditionally get their post and salary back. All of the possessions that have been taken away from every publicly owned work-unit will be chased back and re-constituted.

3、凡是1977年以后建立的垄断性所谓国有制股份企业一律交由人民接管。

3. Every monopolistic state-owned joint-stock enterprise formed after 1977 will be given over to the people.

4、农村恢复人民公社。具体到每一个村庄，我们尊重当地群众的选择，愿意走集体道路的国家予以支持，愿意继 续 维持原样的可以保留。

4 People’s communes will be restored in the countryside. Concretely for each particular village, we shall respect the choices of the masses, those who wish to embark on the collectivist path the state shall give support, those who wish to keep things as they are will also be allowed to do so.

5、废除军衔制，整顿军队，恢复军队的革命化、现代化建设。时刻准备痛击任何敢于冒犯我国的外国强盗的武力 威 胁和军事挑衅。

5 The military ranking system would be removed, the army will be reformed. The revolutionary modernising construction of the army will be resumed. The army will be prepared always to hit hard against any foreign invaders and pirates who dare to violate our country.

6、所有小学、中学、大学除书本费外，一切名堂的费用一律全免。大学实行免费用餐、免费住宿，除此以外给予 适 当的学业补助。培养又红又专的社会主义新人。保证大学毕业生全部安排工作。

6 Every primary and secondary school, as well as every university and college, shall become completely free apart from the costs of basic textbooks. The universities will offer free food and free accomodation, as well as a certain amount of financial assistance to those students that require them. The education system will be primarily geared towards creating socialist new people that are both “red” and “expert”. Jobs for all graduates shall be guaranteed for everyone.

7、 全国县、市建立新的现代化人民医院、中医院，彻底改变服务质量。无论城乡，只要是中华人民共和 国的公民就医看病，除医药用品成本费以外一律全免（医药用品 成本费由国家统一定价、按需配给）。执行毛主席“把医疗卫生工作的重点放到农村去”的指示，公社建设新的卫 生院，村村建立卫生诊所。保证人人可以方便看 病，看得起病。彻底改变穷苦人民小病拖延、大病等死的悲惨状况。

7 The quality of service in every people’s hospital and traditional Chinese hospital will be fundamentally improved. New hospitals will be constructed in every town and city in China. All rural and urban residents in China, as long as they are citizens of the People’s Republic of China, will receive free healthcare apart from the basic costs of medication. The basic cost of medication will be regulated directly by the state, and some medication will also be provided on a needs-basis. Chairman Mao’s political command of “let the weight of the medical and healthcare sectors be transferred to rural areas” will be enacted. The people’s communes in rural areas will establish new hospitals, and clinics will be built in every single village area. Every single person will be guaranteed to have convenient and cheap healthcare. The current sad state of poor people “wait on with a small illness” and “wait for death with a big illness” will be changed forever.

8、凡是丧失劳动能力的老人，无论城乡一律享受退休金待遇。对于没有劳动能力残疾人，一律由国家妥善安置， 彻 底免除老人、残疾人的养护之忧。

8 All old people who have lost the ability to work, regardless of whether he/she is an urban or rural resident, will receive a state pension. Every disabled person who has lost the ability to work will be taken care of by the state. All concerns regarding the care of elderly and disabled people will be gone.

9、凡是中华人民共和国成年公民的工作，一律由个人申请自愿，国家统筹安排为原则进行安置。实行各尽所能、 按 劳取酬的社会主义分配原则。

9 Every adult who is a citizen of the People’s Republic of China can choose his/her line of work through application. The state will be in charge of the overall plan of job allocation. The socialist distributive principle of “each according to his/her labour” will be enacted.

10、只要不是卖国投机、巧取豪夺、害民坑人的私人企业和公司，一律可以正常经营。同时，保护并帮助每一个 自愿 从事个体经营的商户正当经营。

10. All privately owned enterprises and companies that do not rely on selling out the state, opportunism or gross exploitation, and do not harm the welfare of the public, can carry on running as before. At the same time, the law of the state protects the right of every person who wishes to engage in small-scale private businesses and will provide help when necessary.

11、凡是中华人民共和国的成年公民，保证每人都可以拥有属于自己的一处住房。

11 Every adult citizen of the People’s Republic of China will be guaranteed to have a living place that belongs to himself/herself.

12、入党、提干遵照中国毛泽东主义共产党章程，可以坐飞机，可以坐火箭。

12 The procedures to join the party and promotion within the party will be set according to the charter of the Maoist Communist Party of China. Sometimes they will be very rapid for certain people.

13、凡是在反革命大复辟中变节，为“改革开放”鸣锣开道；与统治集团沆瀣一气的人，永远不准其担任国家部 门的 任何领导职务。对在反复辟大革命中能够同统治集团划清界限、反戈一击的人则一律既往不咎。

13 All those who have sided with the reactionary side during the counter-revolutionary capitalist restoration phase, all those who have beaten the drums for the coming of the “opening-up reforms”, and all those who have sided with the revisionist ruling bloc, shall never be allowed to have any leadership post within any department in the entire country. All those who have managed to divide a line between themselves and the ruling bloc and fight back against it during the anti-restoration great revolution will be pardoned from their former political crimes.

14、对于凡是在反复辟大革命运动中表面积极投身革命，实际上又千方百计谋求个人私利的投机革命者，没有资 格担 任党和国家机关的任何领导工作。

14 All those who superficially seem to actively and diligently join the revolution during the great anti-restoration revolutionary movement, but in reality only care about how to acquire private interests for himself/herself, will not be qualified to hold any kind of leadership post within the party or the country.

15、革命干部是人民的勤务员。党和国家的主要领导干部除必要的警卫员和助理员以外，一律不准配备个人秘书 、医 生、厨师、司机等服务人员。

15 Revolutionary cadres are the servants of the people. Apart from the guards and necessary assistants for the main leading cadres of the party and the state, every cadre is not allowed to have any personal secretaries, doctors, chefs, drivers or any other service personnel.

16、所有党的领导干部的工资，不得超过全国工人的最高工资。住房不得超过150平方米。

16 The salary levels of every cadre and leader in the party must never exceed the highest salary level of the workers in the country. Their living spaces cannot exceed 150 square metres.

17、凡是行贿受贿、危害人民群众利益，不看群众脸色办事的干部一律免职。

17 All cadres who have taken apart in embezzlements, briberies, and have done things contrary to the interests of the masses of the people, and do not act according to the people’s wishes, will be removed from their posts.

18、凡是革命烈士、革命者的家属、后代及见义勇为的英雄一律予以必要的、全面的特殊照顾。

18 Necessary and comprehensive special care will be given to the families and descendants of revolutionary martyrs, as well as all those who heroically help others at the expense of their own safety.

19、凡是携款外逃的贪官，无论他逃到那里都要坚决追捕和通缉归案！对于拒不归案的贪官，无论他躲藏在哪里 ，都 要不惜一切代价就地处决。

19 All corrupt officials who have escaped overseas with large amounts of money, will be chased down and arrested no matter where in the world he/she has escaped to! Those who refuse to repent for their political crimes, no matter where they are located in the world, will be executed at any cost.

20、凡是对抗第二次社会主义革命、对抗无产阶级专政的反革命右派分子，一律监督改造，对于态度恶劣的反革 命分 子坚决实行镇压！

20 Every counter-revolutionary right-wing element who has risen up against the second socialist revolution and who opposed the proletarian dictatorship will be forcefully re-educated under supervision. Those counter-revolutionary elements who have an especially malign and reactionary attitude will be suppressed without mercy!

我 们的主张远不止这些，不远的将来，人民将为信仰和荣誉而工作，人们的思想和生活方式会发生质的 变化，资产阶级庸俗腐朽的思想和生活方式将被彻底抛弃，一个 崭新的社会主义新社会将成为人类历史发展的榜样。一个崭新的社会主义现代化强国将巍然屹立于世界的东方而成 为真正意义上的——东方明珠。

Our detailed programme does not stop here. We believe that in the not-so-distant future, the people will work for faith and honour, their thoughts and lives will experience a thorough transformation. The banal and corrupt thoughts and lifestyles of the bourgeois class will be completely abandoned, and a new socialist society will emerge to become an example for the historical development of all humanity. A new modern, socialist, prosperous, and powerful state will firmly rise up in the eastern world and become an “oriental pearl” in the real sense.



"Bombard the headquarters!"
-Mao Zedong, 1966.