Saturday, July 31, 2010

Innocent Man released after 27 Years in Texas Prison


Texas man exonerated of rape free after 27 years

By JUAN A. LOZANO
The Associated Press
Friday, July 30, 2010; 7:36 PM
From: The Washington Post

HOUSTON -- Imprisoned for 27 years for a rape he didn't commit, Michael Anthony Green walked out of jail a free man on Friday and in the process was able to leave behind some of the anger that had fueled his survival behind bars.

Accompanied by his attorney, Green walked out of the Harris County Jail and into the arms of about 20 family members who cheered him.

"Live life," Green said, when asked what he is going to do now.

Green, 44, was released after the Harris County District Attorney's Office reopened his case and new DNA tests it commissioned showed he did not commit the 1983 rape of a woman who had been abducted. During a court hearing Friday, a judge ordered that Green be released on a $500 bond, allowing him to be free while the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals makes a final ruling on his innocence.

Asked what kept him going the last 27 years, Green said that in part it was his anger.

"I took and channeled my anger into studying the law," said Green, clutching a photograph of his mother, who died while he was in prison. "That's how I lived, day by day ... doing what I did. Get up in the law, try to find me a way out."

Some of the anger that Green had held onto for so many years came to the surface on Thursday, when he had been originally scheduled to be freed on bond. His release was delayed to give him time to calm down after he became upset that he was put in handcuffs and leg restraints one final time as he was taken from the county jail to the courthouse, said Bob Wicoff, his attorney. Green said he got upset because one of the deputies escorting him tightened his handcuffs and threatened him.

Wicoff called it a misunderstanding but said Green was justified in his anger as his life had been taken away. Green entered prison at age 18. Some of the nieces and nephews who greeted him on Friday hadn't been born when he was locked up.

Green said that while in prison, he didn't give up hope, writing to state lawmakers, the Harris County District Attorney's Office and others proclaiming his innocence and asking that his case be reviewed.

In 1983, four men abducted a woman from a pay telephone in north Houston, taking her to a remote location where three of them raped her. The men drove off, leaving the woman there, and were later chased by police. The men abandoned their car and fled on foot. Green was detained by officers that night as he walked in the area.

The victim could not identify Green in person when he was first detained but later picked him from a photo lineup as one of her attackers. Green was convicted of aggravated sexual assault and sentenced to 75 years in prison. He was the only person convicted in the case.

After District Attorney Pat Lykos was elected in 2008, she formed the Post-Conviction Review Section and it chose Green's case as one of the first to look at. The review team found the only remaining evidence in the case - clothing worn by the victim during the rape - and had it tested. The results excluded Green.

Authorities were able to identify the four men who abducted the women. But because the statue of limitations on the rape has run out, they cannot be prosecuted.

"The tragedy in the Green case is not only was an innocent man in prison, the victim was denied justice, society was denied justice and the real criminals were free," Lykos said Friday.

Lykos declined to criticize her predecessors when asked why it took so long for Green's case to be reviewed. She said DNA testing was not available when Green was convicted, it didn't come to the forefront until the 1990s and that even now Harris County - the country's third-largest county - doesn't have the resources to do all the testing it needs to do.

Green said he was grateful for the efforts by the district attorney's office.

He and his attorney blame bad police work for his wrongful imprisonment, saying improperly suggestive identification procedures that were used in photo spreads and a live lineup helped lead to the victim incorrectly identifying Green as one of her attackers.

Houston police have declined to comment on Green's case.

Wicoff said Green forgives the victim but is unsure if he will ever forgive the police.
Adrian Taylor, 50, Green's older brother, said he's disappointed it took so long for his brother to be released but now he wants to help him look to the future.

"I now have to get him to forgive, forgive and move on," Taylor said.

Movement Says 'No' to SB 1070 & Washington's "Secure Communities"


By Teresa Gutierrez
Published Jul 28, 2010 2:28 PM

Despite a continuous onslaught of attacks against immigrant workers, resistance and opposition continue to grow in the U.S. — not only against Arizona’s Senate Bill 1070, but also against the entire campaign to criminalize and drive workers born outside this country underground.

In the month of July alone, there were not one but many national actions in Washington, D.C. Organized by different sectors of the movement, they included Arizona but focused on other immigration issues as well. These actions included militant civil disobedience by undocumented students in support of the DREAM Act, who, risking deportation, boldly carried out actions directly at the center of power in this country.

National days of actions, in solidarity with the people of Arizona and against SB 1070, are taking place in cities across the country on July 29 and 30.

The danger exists, however, of all attention being turned on SB 1070 while ignoring other just as dangerous — if not more ominous — measures, such as President Barack Obama’s “Secure Communities.” And SB 1070 must not sideline condemnation of Senator Charles Schumer’s plan on immigration either.

Washington has clearly lacked the political will to meet the demands of the movement for immigrant rights. Instead of granting well-deserved legalization and pro-worker, comprehensive immigration legislation, the White House and Congress deliberately handed over immigration policy to the states. Piecemeal congressional immigration policy paved the way for Arizona’s SB 1070.

SB 1070 takes place in the wake of the “funnel effect,” where the militarization of the 2,000-mile southern U.S. border by President Bill Clinton and his successors forced migrants to cross through not only one of the hottest areas of the Southwest, but also one of the most conservative. U.S. policies dared migrants to cross into hated racist and neo-fascist “Sheriff Joe Arpaio country.”

Nonetheless, as attacks continue in Arizona and around the country, the movement strongly demonstrates the adage “repression breeds resistance.” This righteous mood of indignation and level of organizing could bode well for May Day 2011.
Boston, July 10.

Not only in Arizona


After 2006 — and the massive immigrant rights demonstrations that took place across the country — both the Bush and Obama administrations imposed policies on immigration that went against the movement’s demands.

Immigration policy was outsourced to state and local law enforcement agencies through a federal program called 287(g). This program deputized local authorities as federal immigration agents, giving them carte blanche to go after immigrants and workers of color.

A New York Times editorial notes that “a new report by the inspector general ... paints a portrait of 287(g) agencies as a motley posse of deputies who don’t know Spanish, who don’t know or care about the dangers of racial profiling and who operate well beyond the control of the federal agency that they are supposed to be working for.” The report warned that 287(g) laid the basis for civil right violations. (April 8)

Another, even more ominous policy is quietly being applied in cities across the country.

In April and July, CounterPunch published two informative articles: “Why Obama’s ‘Secure Communities’ Program May Be More Dangerous Than Arizona” by Stewart J. Lawrence and “It’s Not Just Arizona” by Bill Quigley.

The articles correctly describe the creeping danger of what Lawrence described as “one of the Obama administration’s most important and secretive immigration enforcement programs.”

Lawrence writes, “Known euphemistically as ‘Secure Communities,’ the program looks and sounds innocuous, and even beneficial.” But it is far from that.

He documents how the program has targeted “low-level misdemeanor offenders, including people who may be guilty of little more than running a stop sign or driving with a broken taillight.” Many of these people are innocent. “But,” writes Lawrence, “they are getting rounded up and processed for deportation just the same.”

The program began in North Carolina and Texas in October 2008. Now, more than 450 jurisdictions, in at least 24 states, are working with the Department of Homeland Security to implement the program. Lawrence notes that is more than six times the number of jurisdictions working under 287(g).

Lawrence warns that President Obama is moving to fast-track the Secure Communities program. “By 2013, under the Obama plan, all 3,100 of the nation’s jails in all 50 states are slated to have the Secure Communities database in place.”

Quigley illustrates the heartbreaking and insidious application of Secure Communities with the case of Florinda Lorenzo-Desimilian.

He writes, “Lorenzo-Desimilian, a 26-year-old married mother of three ... was arrested in her home [in Maryland] by local police on a misdemeanor charge of selling $2 phone cards out of her apartment window without a license. ...

“Local police sent her prints to the FBI who in turn notified [U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement] that she had overstayed her work visa. Even though her three children are U.S. citizens, ICE kept her in jail for two days and is now trying to deport her.”

Secure Communities, he writes, is “really operating a dragnet scooping up and deporting tens of thousands of immigrants, like Ms. Lorenzo-Desimilian, who are no security risk to anyone.”

Quigley adds, “ICE says this program ‘supports public safety by strengthening efforts to identify and remove the most dangerous criminal aliens from the United States.’ However, ICE is not actually targeting convicted criminal aliens, dangerous aliens, or even violent aliens. They are targeting everyone.”

For more information on Secure Communities visit www.uncoverthetruth.org.

Other examples of the wrenching devastation of immigrant’s lives are laws such as that in Fremont, Neb. Amidst billboard campaigns that read “Stop the invasion,” the City Council passed legislation prohibiting the rental of homes to people without documents.

The week of July 12 a Utah state government worker released a list of about 1,500 immigrants’ names, along with their immigration status, address and date of birth to the media! Some of the names included women who had just given birth or were pregnant. This amounts to a Nazi-like reign of terror.

War on immigrants is war on workers

The state-applied immigration policies, the right-wing rhetoric and hysteria, coupled with the policies of the Obama administration, amount to a war on immigrants.

The Washington Post reported on July 26 that a record number of undocumented workers have been or will be deported. It wrote that the Obama administration expects to deport about 400,000 workers this fiscal year — “nearly 10 percent above the Bush administration’s 2008 total and 25 percent more than were deported in 2007”!

One of the principal ways these deportations have occurred merits a full campaign by every single union in this country.

The Post writes: “The Obama administration has been moving away from using work-site raids to target employers. Just 765 undocumented workers have been arrested at their jobs this fiscal year, compared with 5,100 in 2008, according to Department of Homeland Security figures.

“Instead, officers have increased employer audits, studying the employee documentation of 2,875 companies suspected of hiring illegal workers and assessing $6.4 million in fines.”

This policy, called “velvet deportations” by some and “silent raids” by others, is in response to the economic crisis that is sweeping the world. If labor does not respond to these deportations, 287(g) and Secure Communities not only will devastate immigrant communities, but will continue to undermine union drives and campaigns to raise wages. Furthermore, it will exacerbate tensions and racism, instead of fostering solidarity and unity — the main tools for winning workers’ demands.

Stopping 287(g) and Secure Communities should be one of the main demands of the Oct. 2 March on Washington for jobs that is being organized by sectors of the labor movement and the Black community. The immigrant rights movement should mobilize for this demonstration.

Linking to anti-war movement

An important anti-war conference took place in Albany July 23-25. The immigration struggle had a significant role there. This alliance-building is key to building the anti-war movement as well as advancing the immigrant rights struggle.

Immigration policy is clearly an anti-war issue, as Predator B drones — the same ones used by the CIA in the Middle East — are now patrolling the U.S./Mexican border. The militarization of the border is an act of war, not only on the people south of the border, but on all decent-minded people.

The Albany conference voted to hold spring anti-war actions on April 9 instead of later in April, because it would have presented a problem if they took place closer to May Day. This solidarity and coordination by various sectors of the movement is a tremendous example of the kind of unity that is urgently needed in the face of all the assaults against the workers and oppressed of the world.

As fall and spring actions fill the calendar, perhaps a crescendo of movement will culminate on May Day 2011, where all sectors — not just the immigrant movement, but labor, anti-war and others — will march together in a splendid show of class unity.

In New York, the rallying cry will be “May Day where? Union Square!”

Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Daily Telegraph: Masses of Unemployed Workers in Japan Join the Communist Party!



Japanese turn to communists in downturn

Millions of Japanese salarymen, whose fathers and grandfathers initiated this nation's economic miracle, are fully aware that the chaff has already been winnowed out of the domestic workforce.


By Julian Ryall in Tokyo
Published: 6:06PM BST 13 Jul 2009

From: The Daily Telegraph

They have seen the part-time employees clock out one last time and the foreign labourers' contracts not renewed. They know there is no staffing fat left to trim and have seen the axes beginning to fall in companies where previously the dark-suited salaryman has been untouchable.

"It's very hard right now," says Keisuke Obata, a 42-year-old employee of a major manufacturing company based in Tokyo. "I've never seen things so bad, and all we hear from the company and the politicians is that we have to try a little harder and endure for a little longer."

Obata has been on a reduced working week since January, has seen his pay cut and his summer bonus similarly shrivel. The company is appealing for people to take voluntary redundancy.

"It makes you think," he admits. "But there are not many other jobs out there and I have commitments."

Men like Obata, who has given two decades of service to his company yet is on the verge of being summarily dismissed, are finding their previously unswerving commitment to their employers eclipsed by the instinct for self-preservation.

With a mortgage and three young children to provide for, Obata has heard the message that has gradually spread across the shop floor and entered the domain of the white-collar workers. Communism, they say, might just have the answer.

"Companies are only interested in their profits and protecting their management," says Tatsuya Yoshida, an employee of a Tokyo-based transport company. "They do not care about their staff. They see us as disposable."

The last time 42-year-old Yoshida voted, he backed the New Komeito Party.

The junior member of the two-party coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, it draws its support mainly from the ranks of the Sokka Gakkai Buddhist organisation and is presently the third largest party in the Japanese Diet.

According to the latest opinion polls, however, it has been overtaken by the Japanese Communist Party. And workers like Yoshida are doing all they can to spread the word.

"I used to have pressure from my family to vote for New Komeito, but Japan needs real change and I've had enough of politicians making promises that they soon break," he says.

Yoshida ticks his main concerns off the fingers of his left hand: protecting his job, ensuring his two sons have enough money to go to a good university, ensuring that everyone has a minimum standard of living and protecting Article 9 of Japan's constitution, which renounces war.

Other parties have made those promises, and more, in opposition, he points out, but "forgotten" them as soon as they are in a position of power.

"The opposition is effectively a pseudo-LDP and even if they do win the next election I see no chance of improvements in the political, economic or social situation in Japan," Yoshida says, pointing a finger at the Democratic Party of Japan until recently headed by a former LDP politician who was forced to resign for taking illegal donations from a construction company.

"How can we trust these people with our futures?," he said.

Public prosecutors indicted Ichiro Ozawa's personal secretary for accepting the funds, but stopped short of arresting the DPJ leader.

"People are coming to us because the JCP does not accept donations from companies or organisations," says Yoshida. "That is why we can speak out against big corporations."

And despite sticking to its principles on donations, the JCP is the second-best fund-raising party in the country. Only the ruling LDP does better.

Rampant corruption combined with the spiralling unemployment caused by the global economic downturn has given the party a huge new support base.

Party officials say that more than 14,000 people have joined the cause in the last 18 months, a quarter of whom are under 30. Similarly, circulation of the party newspaper, Akahata (Red Flag) has risen to 1.6 million copies.

The LDP, on the other hand, has seen its membership collapse from a peak of 5 million to just 1 million today.

"Many workers are being deprived of the right to work with dignity," Kazuo Shii, the charismatic 54-year-old chair of the JCP, told a press conference in March. "This is the cruelest form of behaviour under 'capitalism without rules.'

"Most people working on temporary contracts are disposable workers, forced to endure exploitative and unstable working conditions as well as discrimination," he said, describing conditions as "a revival of slave labour and a modern-day form of cruelty."

"I am indignant that temporary workers are being forced to toil in such inhumane conditions at corporations such as Toyota and Canon," he said.

According to the party, the number of workers earning less than Y2 million (£13,885) a year has risen to more than 10 million.

This increase in grass-roots support has been boosted by a manga version of Karl Marx's "Das Kapital," which sold more than 6,000 copies in the two days after it was released in December, and revival of interest in a 1929 novel titled "Kanikosen" that told of a rebellion among workers on a crab processing ship off northern Japan.

Despite the recent surge in its fortunes, Shii and his supporters accept that the JCP will not have a majority in the Diet in the near future. They will fight the national elections, of course, but they are focusing much of their attention on winning hearts and minds at the local level.

"In general, Japanese people do what they are told by more powerful people," says Yoshida. "We do not want to cause disharmony with the people around us. So we obey when we are told what to do and do not give our own opinions. This is why we have the same political parties running the country since the end of the war.

"Even though the communists only have 3.3 per cent in the latest opinion polls, more than 31 per cent of the people said they were undecided," he points out. "We aim to increase our support one vote at a time and we want our politicians to tell the Diet what the people are really thinking."

The approach is showing signs of working; in late April, JCP candidate Hiroshi Shikanai was elected mayor of the city of Aomori, overcoming his LDP opponent and incumbent.

A key issue in the campaign was the state of the regional economy, which will undoubtedly be at stake again when the country goes to the polls in the next few months.

Keisuke Obata has cancelled his plans for a trip to Hawaii with his family later this year and is instead planning to take them on a camping trip by the lakes around Mount Fuji.

He said he was looking forward to some time away from the office and a little peace to contemplate his future, both professional and political.

Mass Pressure Stops Foreclosure


A protest on July 22 to stop the foreclosure of Marvin and Louise Morris turned into a victory celebration after their mortgage servicer finally agreed to allow the elderly couple to remain in their modest Detroit home.

The Morrises had fought in the court system for several years to keep their home after becoming victims of racist subprime predatory lending. At every turn they faced defeat — even the Michigan Supreme Court refused to hear their appeal.

The Morrises had paid monthly into an escrow account that totaled more than the value of their home, but Barclays Bank and HomEq refused to settle the disputed arrearage on the mortgage.

When the Morrises faced imminent eviction from their home of 32 years, activists with the Moratorium NOW! Coalition to Stop Foreclosures, Evictions and Utility Shutoffs called a demonstration and put out an e-mail blast to thousands of people around Michigan and throughout the country, asking for calls and e-mails to HomEq to demand they stop the foreclosure.

In less than 48 hours after the demonstration, attorneys for HomEq contacted the Morrises’ attorney, Vanessa G. Fluker, and agreed to work out a settlement that would allow the Morrises to keep their home.
— Kris Hamel

Friday, July 30, 2010

Behind the Firing of Shirely Sherrod

By Abayomi Azikiwe
Editor, Pan-African News Wire
Published Jul 28, 2010 3:11 PM

A political firestorm erupted on July 20 when Shirley Sherrod, the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s rural development director for Georgia, was terminated as the result of a false accusation made against her by a right-wing propagandist. A deceptively edited video of a speech, delivered by Sherrod at an NAACP event in March, was used as the pretense for her firing and public vilification.

The following day it was revealed that the videotape did not include key elements of her address, which highlighted the role of both race and class in the oppression of African Americans in the agricultural sector in the South. Sherrod received apologies from both the NAACP and the Obama administration, which offered her a more prominent position as the USDA’s Deputy Director for Advocacy and Outreach.

Sherrod stated that she would need to seriously contemplate the offer in light of her recent experience within the USDA. In a series of interviews in the corporate media, she pointed out the irony of the administration and other detractors labeling her as a “racist” after she had spent her entire adult life fighting discrimination against African Americans in Georgia.

Although the Obama administration and the corporate media attempted to frame the controversy as a failure to check the veracity of the videotape, the root of the political debacle stems from the ongoing plight of African-American farmers and the failure of the White House and Congress to seriously tackle racism.

The Obama administration came into office with a clear mandate from the electorate to implement sweeping reforms within American society. However, the status quo has been maintained, leaving the national and class oppression of people of color and workers as a whole firmly intact.

The unresolved national question in the South

During the 1950s and 1960s the African-American people rose up in opposition to the racism and national oppression that had been in existence since the failure of Reconstruction, which was attempted immediately after the Civil War. This movement, which took on various forms in the struggle for civil rights and Black power, mobilized millions and shifted the consciousness of African Americans, other oppressed national groups and whites.

Significant concessions were won from the ruling class as a result of these movements. The Supreme Court in 1954 struck down the separate but equal ruling in the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson case, which officially overturned the rights of African Americans granted by the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution.

In 1957 the first civil rights act since 1875 was passed, providing legal options to challenge the disenfranchisement of African Americans in large sections of the South. This concession came in the aftermath of the bus boycotts and other protest actions in Montgomery, Ala., and other cities during 1955 and 1956.

In 1957 the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was formed, under direction of civil rights icon Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That same year African-American students in Little Rock, Ark., exposed the racist intransigence of the South when they attempted to implement the 1954 Supreme Court ruling mandating the desegregation of public education.

In 1960 the student movement was born on the campuses of historically Black colleges, leading to the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in April of that year. SNCC became the vanguard organization of the civil rights movement through their work in the South aimed at eliminating legalized segregation and disenfranchisement.

Shirley Sherrod was impacted by developments in the South during this period. In 1965, at the age of 17, she became one of the first African-American students to integrate the all-white Baker County High School in rural southwest Georgia. That same year her father, Hosie Miller, was murdered by a racist white farmer.

According to Sherrod’s mother, Grace Miller, the murder of her husband stemmed from a dispute over three cows, which had wandered onto the white man’s property from their farm. The white farmer insisted that the cows belonged to him; Hosie Miller said that he would contact the law. He was shot in the back while closing the gate of the white neighbor’s farm.

Grace Miller said that there was never any arrest or indictment against the white farmer who killed her spouse. Miller said that Sherrod was deeply wounded by her father’s murder and would often be “off by herself.” (Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 23)

“One night she was outside,” Sherrod’s mother recalled. “The moon was shining. And it was going through her mind, what would she do? She decided she would stay in South Georgia and make a difference.”

Sherrod joined the civil rights struggle that was taking place in southwest Georgia. She would attend Fort Valley State College and Albany State University, where she received a bachelor’s degree in sociology.

Sherrod eventually graduated from Antioch University in Yellow Springs, Ohio, with a master’s degree in community development. During her tenure at Fort Valley State College, a racist mob of 40 white men burned a cross on her family’s yard in Baker County, Ga.

Sherrod would marry a leading figure in the civil rights movement, Charles Sherrod, who was an organizer for SNCC and a member of the organization’s cultural group, the Freedom Singers. Charles Sherrod had worked in the famous Albany Movement, one of the first mass mobilizations against racism in the Deep South.

In the videotaped speech, Sherrod said: “I want to do all I can to help rural communities be what they can. When I made that commitment, I was making that commitment to Black people and to Black people only. ... But you know, God will show you things and he’ll put things in your path so that you realize that the struggle is really about poor people.”

In the early 1980s Sherrod’s 6,000-acre family farm was lost to foreclosure. The farm was occupied by numerous other families, who raised vegetables and livestock there. Sherrod’s son Kenyatta told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, “They lost the farm. Life was different after that. We didn’t have a lot after that.”

Kenyatta Sherrod recounted how his parents had difficulty even in paying utility bills. “Early on, sometime after we lost our farm, I caught her crying over the bills. We had a real low time after we lost the farm.”

Unresolved plight of African-American farmers

The saga of Shirley Sherrod’s family was not an isolated case. Since 1910, African-American farmers have lost nearly 13 million acres of land due to the racist practices of the USDA and financial institutions throughout the South. In 1920, one out of seven farms was owned by African Americans; however, by 1992 Black land ownership had dwindled from 15 million acres to 2.8 million.

African-American farmers fought this wholesale theft of their land at great risk. As a result of a class action lawsuit, in 1988 the USDA was forced to admit that “the history of discrimination by the U.S. Department of Agriculture ... is well documented. Discrimination has been a contributing factor in the dramatic decline of Black farmers over the last several decades.” (USDA National Commission on Small Farms report)

In 1999 the government agreed to compensate African-American farmers through a settlement stemming from a lawsuit involving 22,000 families. Nonetheless, the majority of the farmers never received the promised $50,000, which was a pittance compared to the vast losses of individual families over a period of decades.

In 2009 the Obama administration agreed to pay $1.25 billion to settle claims by African-American farmers in a second settlement. However, the U.S. Senate has failed to allocate the money for compensation to the farmers. The struggle involves several African-American farmers’ organizations, including the Federation of Southern Cooperatives, the Black Farmers and Agriculturalists Association, and the National Black Farmers Association.

A BFAA statement asserts: “The statement from Tom Vilsack, Secretary of Agriculture, that USDA does not ‘tolerate’ racial discrimination is a complete lie. Talk to almost any family member of a Black farmer or check out ... the government’s documentation of how USDA employees, on the local and federal level discriminated against Black farmers, in particular.” (July 21)

The statement notes: “Nothing was ever done to penalize the all white officials bent on destroying a society of black farmers across the nation: not one firing, not one charge brought, and not one pension lost. Yet the first erroneous offering by a conservative blogger that a black woman from USDA might have discriminated, she is immediately forced to resign.”

The Shirley Sherrod incident reveals that even with an African-American president in the White House, conditions will not improve until the structures of U.S. capitalism and racism are fundamentally changed. There can be no resolution of the national oppression of African Americans without the uprooting of the system and the genuine empowerment of people of color and working people as a whole in the U.S.
Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Thursday, July 29, 2010

TMLD: The Law of the Jungle, U.S. Steel


From: The Marxist-Leninist Daily, from Canada.

Editorial Statement

U.S. Steel says the downturn in the business cycle forced it to break its contract with the government of Canada on employment and production levels. It also says the crisis forced it to break its sworn word that it would protect and not harm pensions of Canadian steelworkers. What kind of gangster logic is this? If business contracts and collective agreements and the word of people in authority are to be dependent on the business cycle always going up and never going down, then not a single business contract under commercial law would be valid and worthy of the paper is was printed on. Commercial law itself would be meaningless as every agreement would be declared invalid as it could be broken as soon as the business cycle begins its inevitable dip.

No one could ever again believe the word and signature of business people in authority. It would be the law of the Chicago jungle with gangsters in control through guns and intimidation and the rule of crooked politicians. Clearly, this is the world that global monopolies such as U.S. Steel and Vale Inco want to bring into Canada. Canadians don't like or want it!

A modern society cannot permit gangsters and liars to break business contracts or renege on their word on the basis of invoking their own egocentric "law of the downturn." Their "law of the downturn" in the business cycle cannot be permitted to override contracts with the federal government, the sworn public law and established Canadian norms, standard of living and workers' collective agreements negotiated over decades during which time the workers did their duty toward society by producing its social wealth.

This is unacceptable behaviour. Canadians have not built this country to be torn apart by global monopolies that bring their gangster logic into Canada, or that of their apologists who declare that workers have to accept their dictate because today "economies have no borders." Such criminal disregard for Canadian law cannot be permitted. It is time that governments at all levels settle scores with this gangster logic before its infects the entire body politic with its diseased way of doing business and its corrupt and dishonest morality. Workers are doing their part through active resistance. Where are the Canadian governments and politicians that are supposed to defend the well-being and security of Canadians by enforcing public right?

The Real Story on the DPRK, Its Healthcare


By Stephen Gowans
Reprinted From the Zimbabwe Herald

THE United States has announced that it is adding a new tranche to the
Himalaya of sanctions it has built up since 1950 against North Korea,
sanctions I outlined in my last article ‘‘Amnesty International
botches blame for North Korea’s crumbling healthcare’’.

Calling the new sanctions "measures" — perhaps to escape the disfavour
the word has fallen into after sanctions wiped out the lives of half a
million Iraqi children in the 1990s — US secretary of state Hillary
Clinton purred reassuringly that the new "measures are not directed at
the people of North Korea."

She didn’t predict, however, whether they would add to the misery the
previous umpteenth round of sanctions has already visited upon the
lives of North Koreans, even if she says they aren’t directed at them,
but we can be pretty sure they will.

At the same time preparations were underway to launch Operation
Invincible Spirit, a four day joint US-South Korea military exercise
to take place in the Sea of Japan, involving 8000 troops, 200
warplanes and an armada of warships led by the aircraft carrier USS
George Washington.

The point of the exercise, according to the US commander in the
Pacific, Robert Willard, is to "send a strong signal to Pyongyang and
Kim Jong-il regarding the provocation that Cheonan represented" (the
Cheonan being the South Korean warship that sunk in disputed waters in
May.)

Inasmuch as the Cheonan’s sinking appears to be a replay of the Gulf
of Tonkin incident — the alleged attack on a US Navy destroyer by
North Vietnamese patrol boats used by US president Lyndon Johnson as a
pretext to step up war on Vietnam — the military exercises represent
the second stage of what looks like a plan to increase pressure on
Pyongyang, with a view to producing what US policy has been trying to
produce north of the 38th parallel for the last 60 years: the collapse
of the anti-imperialist governments led by Kim Il-sung and now Kim
Jong-il.

The first part of the plan was to blame North Korea for the Cheonan’s sinking.

The second part is to launch military exercises using the pretext of the first.

China calls the exercises, scheduled to begin this Sunday, provocative.

And University of Chicago historian Bruce Cumings points out that the
North Koreans become agitated whenever the United States and South
Korea carry out joint military exercises, because they "see them as a
prelude to a possible attack."

Indeed, since it is impossible to distinguish troops, warships and
warplanes massing on one’s borders for the purposes of conducting war
games from troops, warships and warplanes massing on one’s borders for
the purposes of an invasion, it is hardly surprising that the North
Koreans are agitated. And that’s the point: keep the DPRK on a
continual war-footing, so that it diverts its sanctions-starved
economy into military preparedness and away from productive
investments and provision of healthcare, education, housing and so on.
Joint US-South Korea military exercises aren’t just a sometimes thing.

They happen every year, and Operation Invincible Spirit adds another
provocation to the annual cycle.

Forcing its ideological opponents to spend heavily on defence — when
they always start off poorer and weaker than the United States and can
therefore ill-afford to do so if they’re ever going to progress — is a
tactic Washington has been using for decades to contain, cripple and
ultimately defeat countries that offer a humane and progressive
alternative to integration into a worldwide capitalist system of
imperial relations.

On top of the advantages of this tactic abroad, at home the defence
spending needed to threaten target countries transfers wealth upwards,
from working Americans through their taxes to the investors and
businesspeople in the armaments industry who benefit in two ways:
first, from the profits they reap from arms contracts and second from
interest on the bonds they buy to finance US defence spending.

The tab is picked up by US taxpayers with their labour and, if a war
is waged against their country, by foreigners with their lives, or
with crippled standards of living, if their governments are forced to
skimp on civilian spending to build a credible defensive force to
deter the threat of US military intervention.

As the dues-payers for the US warfare economy along with its foreign
victims, US citizens have more in common with the citizens of official
enemy countries than they think.

Who’s the real enemy?

The tactic of spending ideological opponents into bankruptcy has two
dimensions: a physical one, of suffocating an alternative economy
until it either breaks down or is left staggering under the weight of
economic warfare and the costs of preparing to repel the unrelenting
ominous threat of military intervention, and an ideological one, of
attributing the break-down to the inherent characteristics of the
alternative system itself.

In this way a warning is sent on two levels: a surface one aimed at
ordinary people, which says, while this alternative may seem like a
good idea, it doesn’t work and only leads to disaster. To work, this
necessitates the cover up of the real causes of the break down.

At the demilitarised zone separating the two Koreas on July 20, both
Clinton and US secretary of war Robert Gates, played up the message
that North Korea’s dire straits are endogenous, and not the product of
a systematic campaign of breaking the country’s back. Gates said:

"It is stunning to see how little has changed up there (in the North)
and yet how much South Korea continues to grow and prosper. The North
by contrast, stagnates in isolation and deprivation."

Clinton said much the same. Of course, neither mentioned that
sanctions, and the continual harassment of North Korea by US forces,
might have something to do with North Korea’s isolation and
stagnation.

On a deeper level, a warning is sent to would-be leaders of oppressed
classes and peoples: try to break free from the US imperial orbit, and
this will happen to you, too.

Forty years ago, Felix Greene outlined how Washington had used this
tactic against China and Cuba, but his description also fits North
Korea today.

"The United States imposed a 100 percent embargo on trade with these
countries; she employs great pressure to prevent her allies from
trading with them; she arms and finances their enemies; she harasses
their shipping; she threatens them with atomic missiles which she
announces are pre-targeted and pre-programmed to destroy their major
cities; her spy ships prowl just beyond these countries’ legal
territorial waters; her reconnaissance planes fly constantly over
their territory. And having done all in their power to disrupt these
countries’ efforts to rebuild their societies by means of blockades to
prevent essential goods from reaching them, any temporary difficulties
and setbacks these countries may encounter are magnified and
exaggerated and presented as proof that a socialist revolutionary
government is ‘unworkable’."

Author William Blum, who writes an Anti-Empire Report monthly,
elaborates on Greene’s point:

" . . . every socialist experiment of any significance in the
twentieth century — without exception — was either overthrown,
invaded, corrupted, perverted, subverted, destabilised, or otherwise
had life made impossible for it, by the United States and its allies.

"Not one socialist government or movement — from the Russian
Revolution to the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, from Communist China to
the FMLN in El Salvador — not one was permitted to rise or fall solely
on its own merits; not one was left secure enough to drop its guard
against the all-powerful enemy abroad and freely and fully relax
control at home.

"It’s as if the Wright brothers’ first experiments with flying
machines all failed because the automobile interests sabotaged each
test flight. And then the good and god-fearing folk of the world
looked upon these catastrophes, nodded their heads wisely, and intoned
solemnly: Humankind shall never fly."

Cumings offered insight into the context surrounding the Cheonan
affair in a May 27, Democracy Now interview.

The incident, Cummings observed: "happened very close to the North
Korean border, we’ve had incidents like this, somewhat different ones,
but with large loss of life, going back more than 10 years.

"In 1999, a North Korean ship went down with 30 sailors lost and maybe
70 wounded.

"That’s a larger total of casualties than this one. And last November,
a North Korean ship went down in flames. We don’t know how many people
died in that.

"This is a no man’s land, or waters, off the west coast of Korea that
both North and South claim. And the Cheonan ship was sailing in those
waters . . . "

The hypocrisy need not be pointed out.

When North Korean ships are sunk, there’s no provocation, except to
North Koreans, who, in the view of Western governments and the
propaganda apparatus of private-sector mass media, don’t matter (in
the same way Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, who was kidnapped by Hamas,
matters to Western governments and Western mass media while the
countless Palestinians who have been kidnapped by Israeli soldiers in
the West Bank and Gaza and have since disappeared into the bowels of
Israeli prisons are invisible.)

But when a South Korean ship is sunk in the same disputed waters,
North Korea is immediately blamed (by the politicians of South Korea’s
ruling Grand National Party, though not by the South Korean military,
which for weeks, said it had no evidence of North Korean involvement.)

And the sinking is used to justify more sanctions and more military
exercises to ratchet up the pressure.

Cumings went on to explain that the waters in which the South Korean
warship went down in May "is a no man’s land, where the US and South
Korea demarcated a so-called Northern limit line unilaterally. The
North has never accepted it.

"The North says that this area is under the joint jurisdiction of the
North and South Korean militaries. So you have an incident waiting to
happen."

Into this cauldron of roiling waters waiting for an incident to happen
will soon be tossed Operation Invincible Spirit.

While the Western media lighted on Amnesty International’s portrayal
of North Korea’s healthcare system as a horror show with the eagerness
of flies on road-kill, the World Health Organisation had a more sober
assessment of the rights organisation’s Cold War-era hatchet job.

WHO spokesman Paul Garwood faulted the report for being "mainly
anecdotal, with stories dating back to 2001, and not up to the UN
agency’s scientific approach to evaluating healthcare."

"All the facts are from people who aren’t in the country," Garwood
said. "There’s no science in the research."

In contrast, WHO Chief Margaret Chan visited North Korea in April and
returned with an assessment that makes Amnesty’s report look like it
was written to cater to US foreign policy propaganda requirements.

Chan noted that: "The health system requires further strengthening in
order to sustain the government policy of universal coverage and, of
course, to improve the quality of services. More investments are
required to upgrade infrastructure and equipment and to ensure
adequate supplies of medicines and other commodities, and to address
the correct skill mix of the health workforce."

All of this is consistent, in a way, with what Amnesty says.

Of course, the ability of the government to invest in infrastructure,
upgrade equipment, and secure adequate supplies of medicines, is
severely hampered by the US-led campaign of economic warfare and by
Pyongyang’s need to raid its civilian budget to secure its borders
against incessant US military harassment.

Lifting sanctions and removing the military sword of Damocles that
dangles menacingly above North Koreans’ collective heads (I wonder
whether the US nuclear missiles targeted on Pyongyang are, as Clinton
claims with sanctions, not directed at the North Korean people) would
go far to improving the provision of healthcare in North Korea.

Which is one big reason it will never happen.

The point of sanctions and unremitting military threat is to destroy
what the US government calls North Korea’s Marxist-Leninist system
(inaccurately) and its non-market economy, not to make life better,
healthier and happier for North Koreans.

Despite these challenges, DPR Korea appears to have secured what Chan
describes as "advantages over other developing countries," including:

--No shortage of doctors and nurses.

--No brain drain of healthcare professionals (a particularly acute
problem in Africa.)

--An elaborate health infrastructure and a developed network of
primary health care physicians. [14]

Chan also noted that "the government has done a good job in areas such
as immunisation coverage, effective implementation of maternal,
newborn and child interventions, in providing effective tuberculosis
treatment and in successfully reducing malaria cases."

Perhaps, the real story about North Korean healthcare isn’t the
challenges it faces, or the systematic efforts of the United States to
make it collapse, but the fact that it hasn’t collapsed despite these
challenges, and has managed to earn the praise of the WHO as the envy
of many developing nations.

Stephen Gowans is a Canadian writer and political activist resident in
Ottawa. This article is reproduced from http://gowans.wordpress.com
-----------------------------------------------------------
Distributed By: THE PAN-AFRICAN RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION PROJECT--
E MAIL: panafnewswire@gmail.com

Groups Gear Up To Resist as SB 1070 Becomes Law

By Paul Teitelbaum
Tucson, Ariz.
Published Jul 26, 2010 10:03 PM

Organizations from Arizona’s three major population centers — Tucson, Flagstaff and Phoenix — met on July 17 to prepare coordinated activities for July 29, the date of SB 1070’s implementation. SB 1070 is a racist, anti-immigrant state law that is opposed by immigrant rights advocates, progressives and justice-loving people in Arizona and around the country.

Representatives of the July 29th Action Committee of Phoenix, the Tucson Ya Basta! Campaign and Flagstaff’s REPEAL Coalition were among the two dozen organizations that agreed to make July 29 a day of “No Work, No Buy, Do Not Comply.” Coordinated press conferences are planned in each city on July 20 to announce the protests.

Actions targeting SB 1070 have been taking place throughout the state. Tucson’s weekly “Resist SB 1070” demonstration continues to grow in size, bringing hundreds into the streets on Friday afternoons. Activists are planning to shut down downtown on July 29.

The Boycott Arizona! Campaign has had a definite impact. Alfredo Gutierrez, coordinator of the Arizona Boycott Clearing House, reported that for the city of Phoenix alone, the cancellation of conventions has resulted in 150,000 room cancellations and an estimated $94 million in lost revenue. (boycottarizona1070.com)

The targeting of the Diamondbacks professional baseball team has also been successful, with the team facing anti-SB 1070 demonstrators wherever they travel. The team will face major protests when they play at home in Phoenix on July 24, in Philadelphia on July 29 and in New York City on July 30 when they play at Citi Field.

Along with this campaign, there has been growing pressure on Bud Selig, commissioner of Major League Baseball, to move the 2011 All-Star Game out of Arizona, where it is presently scheduled to be held.

The struggle to repeal SB 1070 and turn back the racist forces that created it and support it continues to grow. A real people’s resistance can overturn SB 1070 and stop the racist campaign of border militarization and all anti-immigrant, anti-worker attacks.
Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Cleveland Scene: The Commies Next Door...


by Kyle Swenson

(from the latest issue of Cleveland Scene)

Caleb Maupin would like you to know he's not a super-villain, despite what you may have seen on TV. A communist? Sure. But he's not out to indoctrinate your children. Not yet.

The 22-year-old is chatty and affable, a skinny pale kid with a burning bush of unruly red hair. When it comes to talking politics, he's obviously done his homework: facts, dates, obscure legislation, the fates of forgotten labor leaders, snippets of protest songs — in conversation he drops all forms of arcana from the annals of the American left. In part, he's learned the game as a careful student of history, but he also sees himself as an inheritor of the radical tradition.

Maupin is the leader of a small group of like-minded communists called Cleveland FIST, the local arm of a national youth organization. Maupin's sidekick is Adam Gluntz, a stocky blond philosophy student from Baldwin-Wallace College. Together, they're a straight-faced Laurel and Hardy of liberal radicalism: two white guys from suburban and rural backgrounds who have inserted themselves at the forefront of the local far-left.

While most young Marxists may be content to rap about Mao in the dorm room between bong rips, these guys take a more sober and proactive approach to kick-starting their revolution. They attend nearly every public demonstration held in the area, from immigration rallies to protests against police brutality. This is not necessarily an easy world to inhabit: Far from big-budget political establishment, the radical left is a mix of old-school union types and inner-city activists, groups that can be distrustful of anyone new, mainstream, and — in many cases — white. But Maupin and Gluntz have quickly become fixtures in this crowd. By the end of the month, they plan to leave their Berea stomping grounds and move into a house in Collinwood. It gets them closer to Cleveland's working class — and to the scene of their first mainstream attention.

In mid-May, the pair got wind of a student walkout at Collinwood High School and showed up with a video camera in time to see two young girls arrested by Cleveland police. After their clip of the rough arrest went public, the TV news and community leaders suggested Maupin was some kind of agent provocateur out of a '50s comic book, orchestrating the protest and using the kids as pawns in his Marxist agenda.

"They acted like I was some communist Snidely Whiplash twirling my mustache," Maupin says. "We're trained in this country from the time that we're little to believe that communism is a devilish, evil ideology — that communists are all just big and scary — not to engage the actual political beliefs."

Maupin and Gluntz admit their group is small — fewer than ten active members — but the two aren't afraid to dive headfirst into the class and race issues still brewing in Cleveland. At times it seems they might be the only ones paying attention.

Maupin grew up in red, white, and blue-blooded Orrville, the oldest son in one of the only liberal families on the block. Politics was a common topic of conversation in the household, and a young Maupin got an early taste of the picket line when his mother and other Stark County librarians went on strike. As he got older, he spent most of his free time reading, eventually cracking open The Communist Manifesto in the fifth grade. Hooked on the message, Maupin read his way through other communist staples and began contacting local socialist groups about how he could get involved. By 19, he was a member of the Workers World Party, one of the largest communist groups in America.

In 2006, Maupin took up political science at Baldwin-Wallace. But once classes began, he became disappointed with the beer-bong dilettantism and unengaged attitude of most of the student body.

"I came to college because I wanted to learn — political theory, international politics, all of it. Other students weren't there to learn; they were there to get their grade and get a job . . . and they're going to be lucky if they have a job at this point," he says.

Shortly thereafter, Maupin met Gluntz, a B-W music student from Hudson. The two shared an interest in politics, despite Gluntz's conservative leanings at the time. They spent long nights talking politics at a nearby Denny's, and eventually Maupin drafted his friend into the communist ranks. Now boasting a Trotsky to his Lenin, Maupin founded the local chapter of FIST and dropped out of school to focus full time on activism.

Their timing may have been right on. Marxism today — more than two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall — is enjoying a bit of a new vogue on the American scene. The philosophy has become the favorite boogieman of the right-wing media, and as anyone who's spent time at a Tea Party or two can tell you, the denizens of that particular corner of the spectrum are convinced that Obama has swapped every Bible in the White House for a copy of Das Kapital.

Despite the negative attention, socialist groups believe their message is ripe for the times. Tagging the Great Recession as the endgame of the capitalist project, they claim they've seen fresh interest in socialism and Marxist theory, especially among young people who've come of age amid bank bailouts, a manic stock market, and record unemployment.

Frances Dostal is one of the ideology's old-timers with confidence in a communist future, thanks largely to a new youth movement. Now in her eighties, she's spent the lion's share of the century working the frontlines of social causes from civil rights to the anti-war movement. Dostal says she's seen a growing number of younger socialists become involved in hard-hit Rust Belt cities like Detroit; she believes Maupin and Gluntz could be the spark of a wider local resurgence. "[Maupin's] energy is just incredible," she says. "I have hopes they'll continue to bring in interest."

Maupin and Gluntz say their presence in Cleveland's inner city and working classes has drummed up curiosity in their philosophy. There are obstacles, they admit. For one, they say many in the working class don't see that liberal political organizations and unions have lost touch with the people they purportedly serve. Such groups, they believe, only lubricate the interests of the mainstream political and business machine.

"ACORN's goal is to get Democrats elected and raise money for the party," Gluntz says. "They may benefit people in the process, but ultimately their interest is for themselves. Their job is to capture people's anger they have about economic and political issues, and channel it into the party." He believes unions have fallen into a similar situation, with the ruling caste in bed with the bosses, rather than openly fighting for workers' rights.

"That's what being a communist is about: organizing our class — the working class — to organize along their own interests," he says.

That disconnect between liberal groups and the people they claim to serve may have been spotlighted with the Collinwood incident. On May 13, Collinwood students staged a walkout — a bit of social disobedience tied to recent budget cuts. Maupin and Gluntz say they were contacted before the event on Facebook by a student organizer. The pair attended in a show of support, but say they had nothing to do with the planning.

But while there, the two captured video of Cleveland police arresting two teenage girls, Destini and DeAsia Bronaugh, ages 19 and 17. The video shows four officers slamming the girls against a cruiser and dropping them face-down on the pavement. (The girls both face charges stemming from the incident.) Maupin and Gluntz took their footage to area TV stations; the next day, a protest was held outside the school calling for the Bronaugh sisters' release. TV crews showed up.

The WKYC report that ran later that day clearly suggests Maupin was the mastermind behind the events. Anchor Ramona Robinson says the protest included "some adults, whose motives for being there have been questioned." At one point in reporter Dick Russ' clip, Maupin is introduced with a slow-motion shot, as if he were an action-movie evildoer marching toward a showdown. The segment also includes clips of a clearly agitated Maupin denying any role in the walkout; nevertheless, Russ later mentions suspicions that the Marxists had "duped and manipulated the Collinwood kids."

Community leaders echoed the accusation. In the segment, NAACP Executive Director Stanley Miller states that he thought "there are some other people out here with different intentions that are trying to take advantage and direct the thinking of these kids. And that's a problem."

Maupin believes he was fingered because the media and community leaders would rather blame a Red for the incident than talk about police brutality. Tina Bronaugh, the mother of the two girls, agrees.

"[The police] beat up my girls, they threw them in jail, and now they're putting them through these charges," she says. "I can't see how this goes on and nobody says anything. [Maupin] saw something that was unjust, and he stood up," she says. "I don't see a lot of other people doing that here."

Send feedback to kswenson@clevescene.com.

Tuesday, July 27, 2010

Socialist Restuarants in Venezuela


By Edward Ellis - Correo del Orinoco International

Providing the Venezuelan population with good food at fair prices is the principle goal behind the inauguration of seven new socialist arepa restaurants in the country, confirmed Commerce Minister Richard Canan last Saturday.

During a tour of a recently opened government run restaurant in the neighborhood La Rinconada in Caracas, Canan highlighted how these new facilities are breaking with older models of doing business in Venezuela.

“The creation of these socialist arepa restaurants allows us to demonstrate to capitalist businesses that it is possible to have a venue where food can be sold at a fair price and not as a commodity, as it is under capitalist concepts”.

Arepas represent the single most important food of the Venezuelan diet. They consist of corn flour patties, which, once flattened and grilled, are slit open and filled with chicken, black beans, cheese, or any number of other ingredients.

The seven new arepa restaurants that began operations this year are currently finishing a trial period which, according to Canan, has yielded very positive results.

“[F]rom January to date we have sold 693,000 arepas. Here, the savings for the people reach more than 70%. While capitalist arepas cost between 20 and 30 bolivars each, [our] socialist arepas cost 7.5 bolivars, covering production and labor costs”, the Commerce Minister said.

Maria Molina, a worker at the new restaurant in La Riconada which employs 23 others from the community, commented on the services being provided and the work environment of the new facility.

“I can say that this has really been a success. The people are very pleased. And those of us who work here, speaking for all of us, it gives us satisfaction. We have a really excellent work team and things have been really good,” said Molina.

Community Participation


The restaurant in La Riconada has been made functional with help and input from the neighborhood’s community council. The community councils are units of grassroots democracy that have been established all over Venezuela to foster greater participation from ordinary residents in the management and implementation of projects that impact their community.

The new arepa restaurants have also benefited from the collaboration of the National Nutrition Institute, which is helping to train workers on questions of sanitation and hygiene as well as nutritional standards for the products being offered.

“We guarantee food for our people”, Minister Canan said, adding, “and here we are proving it alongside the community councils and state institutions in order to ensure food security”.

Promoting National Production

Canan also pointed out that, rather than having to rely on imports to satisfy demand, all the food products that are being sold in the new restaurants come directly from Venezuelan domestic agricultural production.

In this respect, the Commerce Minister took advantage of his visit to report on other food security measures taking place in Venezuela, including the distribution of more than eight thousand tons of low cost fruits and vegetables to over 456 locations throughout the country.

“The reality is that the food we are producing in the 110 agroindustrial plants is being distributed to the people”, Canan said, referring to the media blackout that has accompanied the government’s work in guaranteeing food security.

In related news, the Minister for Land and Agriculture, Juan Carlos Loyo, reported on Sunday that milk production in Venezuela has risen by 50% over the past 11 years and is currently producing some 560 thousand tons.

According to Loyo, meat production has also increased 18% this year. “This year, we will produce 2.5 million tons of meat in Venezuela and this guarantees us a nationally produced supply of close to 78-80% of demand”, he said.

Loyo attributed these production increases to government efforts to strengthen the agricultural sector.

“Our agricultural policies are integrated and accompanied by laws which stimulate and aid our producers, such as the Land and Agrarian Development Law and the Agro-Alimentary Security and Sovereignty Law”.

Published on Jul 22nd 2010 at 1.17pm

Political Prisoner, Marilyn Buck, is FREE!


Article by staff writers at fightbacknews.org, July 17.

Marilyn Buck, a political prisoner in the U.S., was released July 15 from the federal prison medical center in Carswell, Texas, according to her support group, Friends of Marilyn Buck. She is paroled to New York. As of the writing of this article, no further details about her release have been made available.


Life-long commitment to anti-racism and anti-imperialism

Buck started her commitment to fighting against racism and U.S. imperialism as a student activist in the 1960s, when she was a member of Students for a Democratic Society at the University of Texas. There she organized against the Vietnam War and against racism, and she was one of the women who helped make women’s liberation a central part of SDS’s politics.

In the 1970s Buck worked to support revolutionary anti-imperialist movements around the world, while also actively supporting the Native American and Black liberation movements within the U.S.

Despite great personal suffering, including decades in jail, Buck maintained her commitment to anti-imperialist and anti-racist politics, including supporting those fighting against imperialism and for national liberation.

Decades in prison

Buck spent four years in prison in the early 1970s, allegedly for helping Black revolutionaries buy firearms. After she was furloughed from jail, she went underground to resume her political activism against U.S. imperialism and in support of Black liberation.

She was captured again in 1985, and has been in prison ever since. At that time she was accused of actions such as helping Black revolutionary Assata Shakur successfully escape from prison in 1979, as well as conspiracy in the 1983 bombing of the U.S. Senate building in response to the Reagan administration’s invasion of Grenada, which had a leftist government at the time.

With her capture in 1985, Buck became part of the Resistance Conspiracy trial. This was a prominent trial in the 1980s against seven white anti-racist and anti-imperialist activists who were accused of conspiring “to influence, change and protest policies and practices of the United States Government concerning various international and domestic matters through the use of violent and illegal means.”

The seven were accused of supporting armed Black revolutionaries within the U.S. and accused of a series of bombings of U.S. government and military buildings in protest of U.S. foreign policy in Central America and the Middle East.

Buck received an 80-year sentence in the case.

While in prison, Buck became a prolific writer of political articles and poetry. She wrote, “The trials, those years of intense repression and U.S. government denunciations of my humanity had beat me up rather badly.

“Whatever my voice had been, it was left frayed. I could scarcely speak. For prisoners, writing is a life raft to save one from drowning in a prison swamp. I could not write a diary or a journal; I was a political prisoner. Everything I had was subject to investigation, invasion and confiscation. I was a censored person. In defiance, I turned to poetry, an art of speaking sparely, but flagrantly.”
Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Struggle Against Racist Resegregation Heats Up In North Carolina


By Ben Carroll
Raleigh, N.C.
Published Jul 23, 2010 8:44 AM

July 20 began with a mass demonstration to stop the racist attempts to resegregate the schools in Wake County, North Carolina, and ended with the arrest of 19 people at the school board meeting later that afternoon.

Nearly 2,000 demonstrators filled the streets of downtown Raleigh on the morning of July 20 for a march called by the North Carolina chapter of the NAACP and endorsed by the national AME Zion Church. The church was holding its national convention in Raleigh July 16-21 at the Raleigh Convention Center. The church also recently cancelled their winter meeting scheduled for Arizona in solidarity with the boycott called against the racist, anti-immigrant SB 1070.

Members of the faith community played a pivotal role in the demonstration. In particular Black churches from across the state mobilized many members of their congregations, along with a number of chapters of the NAACP, civil rights activists, community organizations and high school students.

The spirited march began at the Convention Center, streamed through downtown Raleigh, as chants of “Forward ever, backwards never!” filled the air, and ended with a rally at the State Capitol building. There, high school students; AME Zion Church bishops; Rev. William Barber, president of the state NAACP; MaryBe McMillan, secretary-treasurer of the state AFL-CIO; and many others spoke out against the attempts of the “Resegregationist Five.” These five members of the nine-person school board want to create a two-tiered system of education and send our schools back into the era of Jim Crow segregation. All the speakers urged participants of the march to attend the school board meeting later in the afternoon.

Arrests, standoff outside meeting

The scene at the school board meeting resembled a prison more than a public meeting. Metal barricades lined the sidewalks outside of the central offices of the Wake County Public School System. Two beige prison transfer buses waited behind the building in anticipation of mass arrests; cops on horses stood guard in the parking lot, as nearly ten bike cops wove around the building. At least 40 uniformed cops patrolled inside and outside the building, including the chief of the Raleigh Police Department.

Rev. Barber, along with Rev. Nancy Petty, senior pastor at Pullen Memorial Baptist Church in Raleigh — two of the four people arrested in an act of civil disobeidence at the school board meeting on June 15 — had earlier declared their intention to attend the meeting on July 20 in direct defiance of being banned from school property as a result of their June arrest.

A demonstration of nearly 150 people began as the two made their way onto the grounds of the central office, and the crowd flanked behind them as a line of cops and media approached. Rev. Barber read an open letter they had written to board chair Ron Margiotta and the rest of the Resegregationist Five opposing their plans to segregate the schools and protesting their ban from school property. Reverends Barber and Petty were then arrested after declaring their intention to enter the meeting, along with Rev. Gregory Moss, president of the North Carolina General Baptist State Convention.

The rally continued outside the meeting following the arrests, as tensions between the

cops and demonstrators became sharper. After a nearly 30-minute standoff, a new plan was developed and people made their way into the building to attend the meeting. As the public comment section opened around 4 p.m., a number of community members spoke out against the attempts of the Five to resegregate the schools.

The occasional GOP-planted “supporter” of the Five sang the praises of the board for, among other things, carrying out $25 million in budget cuts to the school system and “putting an end to forced busing,” recalling the rhetoric of segregationist and white supremacist Gov. George Wallace of Alabama.

Refusing to be silent

Near the end of the public comment period, as the two-minute speaking limit ran out for Rev. Michelle Cotton Laws, president of the Chapel Hill-Carrboro chapter of the NAACP, she refused to give up the podium. She was joined by nearly 30 members of the audience as chants of “Forward ever, backwards never!” filled the room.

Members of the NAACP, student activists and religious leaders linked arms at the podium and continued chanting and singing civil rights songs as the board went into recess because the meeting had been taken over. Nearly two dozen cops, who had been lining the board meeting room, moved to the front to break up the demonstration.

Sixteen people were arrested, ranging in age from 16 to 60, including NAACP members; a high school student; youth members of NC Heroes Emerging Amongst Teens and Raleigh Fight Imperialism, Stand Together; Keith Rivers, a Black city councilperson from Elizabeth City; and religious leaders from around North Carolina.

As the arrests were taking place, Keith Sutton, the only African-American member of the school board, came over to the confrontation to make sure that demonstrators were being treated fairly by the cops. However, he was attacked by three cops, who twisted his arms behind his back as if to arrest him. He has demanded an apology from the Raleigh Police Department.

Nearly two dozen people who had been in the two overflow rooms on the fourth floor made their way down to the board meeting room during the demonstration. They demanded access to the meeting room, and when the cops closed and locked the doors, they began chanting “What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now!”

A crowd of supporters greeted the 16 who were arrested on charges of second-degree trespassing and disorderly conduct as they were released from jail later that evening. The three arrested earlier in the day had already been released, bringing the total number of arrests to 19.

The actions on July 20 were an important step forward for the movement to stop the attempts to resegregate the schools in Wake County. The powerful unity forged between civil rights activists, the faith community, youth and students, and other community organizations signals a new stage in this struggle, which shows no signs of lessening anytime soon. Everyday, more and more people are drawn into this struggle, and if July 20 was any indication, this community fightback will continue to grow over the coming weeks and months.

The writer is a Raleigh FIST organizer who participated in the July 20 march.
Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Pentagon Expands U.S. Role in Africa

By Abayomi Azikiwe
Published Jul 23, 2010 3:10 PM

Several African states have been targeted by successive U.S. administrations for regime change and political domination. Those facing threats from the U.S. include, but are not limited to, Egypt, Sudan, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is essential that the anti-war movement in the U.S. firmly oppose U.S. imperialist intervention in Africa.

U.S. intervention in East Africa was apparent as African leaders from throughout the continent gathered in Uganda the week of July 19 to attend preliminary sessions for the annual African Union Summit, set for July 25-27. The African Union is comprised of 53 independent states whose stated objective is the strengthening of political and economic cooperation among member countries to resolve issues resulting from the legacy of colonialism and underdevelopment.

This year’s summit follows a series of bombings that killed 74 people in and around Kampala, Uganda’s capital. The Somali Islamic resistance organization al-Shabab claimed responsibility for the attacks, saying they were in response to Ugandan troops inside Somalia propping up the U.S.-backed Transitional Federal Government there.

The corporate-owned media reported these bombings while omitting Washington’s role in interfering in Somalia’s internal affairs and bankrolling Uganda, which serves as an outpost for imperialist foreign policy in East and Central Africa. Uganda, which already has 3,200 troops in Somalia, has pledged to dispatch another 2,000 soldiers in order to prevent the collapse of the TFG.

Following the July 11 attacks, Ugandan army spokesman Maj. Gen. Kale Kaihura exposed his government’s intentions. “The act of bombing Uganda is a confirmation of the need to take control and pacify Somalia,” Kaihura stated. (BBC, July 14)

Inside Somalia, however, many in the civilian population see the Ugandan military forces as the enemy of the people. Uganda’s forces are part of the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM). This so-called peacekeeping operation in Somalia, which also includes more than 2,000 troops from Burundi, has openly declared as its objective to neutralize the resistance forces led by al-Shabab.

Opposition forces in Uganda have expressed grave concerns about the role of President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s government in carrying out U.S. foreign policy aims in the Horn of Africa. This trepidation over the role of AMISOM echoes sentiment throughout Africa, which has been wary of deliberate and politically motivated intervention into the internal affairs of AU member states.

Opposition Member of Parliament Hussein Kyanjo said in response to the July 11 attacks: “All the time there has been this reply from the government side that ‘we are in control and nothing can happen to Uganda.’ Now it has happened. It is very sad and I am sure we are not going to be prepared to let the blood of Ugandans be spilt over an issue that we have not been convinced about.” (BBC, July 14)

Aware of its unpopularity in Somalia, the U.S. State Department has issued a travel advisory valid until Aug. 15 to U.S. citizens saying they “should consider the possibility of similar terrorist attacks occurring in conjunction with the African Union Summit.” (CNN, July 19)

Pentagon increases role in Africa


On Oct. 1, 2008, the Pentagon inaugurated a new regional military structure known as the Africa Command. Africom’s stated aim is to prevent the spread of Islamic fundamentalism, terrorism and other security threats on the continent.

The Pentagon’s plans met tremendous opposition from African states as well as mass organizations. At present no African country has been willing to host the Africom headquarters, which remain located in Stuttgart, Germany. The Pentagon has a military base in Djibouti, as does the French military. Other African states throughout the region have held joint military exercises with both of these imperialist states.

U.S. military involvement in Africa has escalated over the last decade. It was estimated that at the beginning of the millennium the cost of the Pentagon’s African operations was between $100 million and $200 million. Today the figure is estimated to be at least $1.5 billion and is growing annually.

These figures may exclude other projects that have military and intelligence implications but are funded through the State Department and private contractors. This increased involvement in Africa was reflected in the bombing of Somalia in 2007-2008 and the dispatching of warships into the Gulf of Aden beginning in 2008.

According to Daniel Volman, who writes for the Concerned Africa Scholars Bulletin, there are two major concerns that are driving the U.S. in its increasing military role in the region. One is that the U.S. is “becoming increasingly dependent on resources, particularly oil, coming from the African continent.” (ACAS Bulletin 85, June 2010)

Volman points out that “today the U.S. imports more oil from Africa than it does from the entire Middle East. The U.S. still imports more from the Western hemisphere — Mexico, Canada, Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador — which has a lot to do with explaining U.S. policy these days towards Latin America and disputes with the Chávez regime.”

Volman notes that “Africa is the next most important source of imported oil,” second only to the oil-producing countries in the Western hemisphere. “Nigeria and Angola are now the U.S.’s fifth and sixth largest suppliers of oil imports,” Volman continues. “[U.S.] American policy makers began to see this happening in the late 1990s.”

In addition to the supply of oil, the U.S. is concerned about the growth of movements in Africa that resist U.S. control. These are mainly Islamic resistance movements. This concern dates back to the second half of the Bill Clinton administration during the late 1990s and has extended to the current government of President Barack Obama.

Volman emphasizes that this growing intervention by U.S. imperialism “is not a partisan political issue. ... Instead it represents a bipartisan consensus amongst the political elite, that Africa is of growing military importance to the U.S. and therefore requires a growing level of military involvement on the continent and that is what has led to the creation of the new African command.”

Anti-imperialist view necessary

U.S. involvement in Africa dates from the period when colonists first brought indentured servants from the continent to Virginia in 1619. By 1660 African slavery had become a primary institution within the displacement of the Native peoples and the expansion of British and colonial control over North America.

The U.S. Constitution did not recognize African people as full human beings and their enslavement continued well into the latter half of the 19th century. At the conclusion of the Civil War in 1865, 4 million Africans resided in the U.S.

It would take another century after the conclusion of the Civil War and the failure of Reconstruction to guarantee in law the ostensible rights of African people. The enslavement of Africans in the Western Hemisphere would lay the groundwork for the eventual colonization of the African continent.

Today, neocolonialism is the principal mechanism used to perpetuate the exploitation and oppression of African people. Neocolonialism is a form of imperialism, controlling Africa’s economies through trade, investment and international finance as well as direct and indirect military intervention.

Serious consideration must be given to the increasing role of U.S. imperialism in Africa. Resolutions and action proposals must be developed to effectively address these concerns alongside the demands for the immediate withdrawal of Pentagon forces from Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and other geopolitical regions throughout the world.

Azikiwe is editor of the Pan-African News Wire and a leader in the Michigan Emergency Committee Against War and Injustice.

Articles copyright 1995-2010 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Revolutionary Organization of Labor: Puerto Rican Student Strike Victory



from:Marxist-Leninist Translations - Ray O. Light Archive

Thousands of Puerto Rican students voted on June 21 to end their two month long strike which had shut down ten of the eleven campuses of the University of Puerto Rico. Student leader Shirley Rosado called the strike settlement an “historical achievement” in which the students “rescued the true purpose of the university [of Puerto Rico] to guarantee high quality public education to the people of Puerto Rico.” (Puerto Rico Daily Sun, June 26, 2010)

The University of Puerto Rico system includes 65,000 students and more than 5,000 faculty members. According to Victor M. Rodriguez Dominguez, in his excellent article, “Puerto Rican Student Strike – Victory and Context as Recurring Social Struggle in The Oldest Colony in the World,” “More than 33 per cent of Puerto Rico’s 25 years and older population has some post-secondary and/or university education. This is higher than more developed nations like Finland and New Zealand. Puerto Rico, with a population close to four million has developed a philosophy about the need to have an accessible system of public higher education. ... Access to higher education, while not specifically enshrined in the constitution is also considered a right and not a privilege by most Puerto Ricans. The state support and relatively low tuition attests to that philosophy.”

The students were striking in opposition to the plans of the administration of the University of Puerto Rico with the support of Puerto Rican Governor Luis Fortuño to double university tuition, as well as to take steps towards privatization of the University. Striking students also defended current tuition exemptions for students based on merit and economic need. The strike settlement was negotiated between representatives of the students and the Board of Trustees of the University with the intervention of a court-appointed mediator. The University Trustees conceded to the students on all three of their demands, and also agreed not to sanction students, faculty members or workers for participation in the strike, or in the many protests and pickets, including a number of clashes with the police. While the University Trustees reserved the right to increase tuition next year, the students took a “preventative strike vote” and vowed to continue their struggle in case increases are imposed.

U.S. imperialist domination of Puerto Rico has persisted since U.S. imperialism took over the domination of the island from Spanish rule in the Spanish-American war of 1898. Puerto Rico remains an open colony of the United States to this day. The following excerpt from a resolution entitled “Independence and Socialism for Puerto Rico!” adopted at a Marxist-Leninist Conference sponsored by the predecessor organization of the Revolutionary Organization of Labor, USA, in July, 1981, we believe is still valid.

“Puerto Rico is a colony in the imperialist epoch. ...the U.S. has used the island as the spearhead of its economic exploitation, military aggression and ideological penetration of Latin America. ... Yet the Puerto Rican people are fighting back. ... The Puerto Rican people were successful in stopping the military draft during the Vietnam War, when thousands of youths refused induction into the U.S. armed forces on the grounds of Puerto Rico’s colonial status. ... We ... reaffirm that the fight for national minority rights of the Puerto Rican people in the U.S. (North) is integrally connected with the task of the liberation of Puerto Rico.”

The Puerto Rican Student Strike victory took place in the context of the global capitalist economic crisis in which the U.S. imperialist-controlled Puerto Rican government has been trying to make the Puerto Rican masses pay for the crisis through the elimination of public sector jobs, privatization of state-run enterprises and the cutting of social benefits. Students joined the labor movement in a national general strike last October in protest of the firing of thousands of public workers. In turn, the well-organized student strike was supported by labor unions, including the university faculty and clerical workers union, religious organizations, as well by their parents and the community at large. This is a victory for the oppressed Puerto Rican nation and a blow against U.S. imperialism and its colonial domination of the island. It reflects the continuing vitality of the Puerto Rican national democratic struggle on the road to Socialism.

“For the proletariat needs the truth and there is nothing so harmful to its cause as plausible, respectable petty-bourgeois lies.”

–V.I. Lenin,
Selected Works, Vol. X, p. 41